^.  \^  ^"  "^x 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0     ^^Ki, 

116      112         „o 


I.I 


11.25 


IS  tU    III  2.2 


[if  1^ 

III  2.0 

m 

1.4 

J4 

V] 


y; 


•a.   ~> 


'/ 


/A 


Hiotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WESTMAUV  <TREET 
WEBSTER,  Ki.Y   MS80 

(716)  872.*;  SW 


\ 


V 


^v 


•sj 


:\ 


\ 


C> 


«<M* 


■<> 


'i*. 


0 

^  #p  ^  M 


4^ 


CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHM/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  canadien  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 

T 

The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 

L'Institut  a  microfilmd  le  meilleur  exemplaire 

t( 

original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 

qu'il  lui  a  6X6  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 

] 

copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique. 

de  cet  exemplaire  qui  sont  peut-dtre  uniques  du 

which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 

point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 

reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 

une  image  reproduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  una 

T 

the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 

modification  dans  la  mithode  normale  de  filmage 

p 

sont  indiqu6s  ci-dessous. 

0 

f 

Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 

Coloured  pages/ 
Pages  de  couleur 

r 

Covers  damaged/ 
Couverture  endommagde 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag6es 

b 

tl 

s 

Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaurde  et/ou  pellicul6e 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pellicul6es 

o 

fl 

• 

Cover  title  missing/ 

Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 

^ Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
^    Pages  d6color6es,  tachetdes  ou  piqu^es 

0 

Coloured  maps/ 

Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  d6tach6es 

T 

j          Coloured  ink  (i  e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
1         Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  que  bleue  ou  noire) 

'^^Showthrough/ 
^    Transparence 

S 

T 

M 

Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 
Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Quality  of  print  varies/ 
— 1    Quality  indgale  de  I'impression 

N 

d 

a 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reli6  avec  d'autres  documents 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  supplementaire 

b 

.1 

ri 

r« 

/     Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  d:stortion 
^  -     along  interior  margin/ 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 

n 

La  reliure  serree  peut  causer  de  Toinbre  ou  de  la 

distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  int^rieure 

1         1     Danac  uuhnllu  nr  nartiallu  nhef^iiraH  hu  errata 

D 


D 


Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajout^es 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte, 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  filmdes. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl^mentaires; 


D 


slips,  tissues,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  best  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure. 
etc.,  or.t  6*6  filmdes  6  nouveau  de  fapon  6 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  U\m6  au  taux  de  niduction  indiqu^  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

J 

12X 


16X 


aox 


24X 


28X 


32X 


tails 
>  du 
odifier 
une 
mage 


IS 


Tha  copy  filmad  h«r«  hat  b««n  raproducad  thankt 
to  tha  ganarosity  of: 

Library  Division 

ProvincisI  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

Tha  imftQas  appaaring  hara  ara  tha  baat  quniity 
poaaiblKi  conaidaring  tha  condition  and  laglbility 
of  tha  originai  copy  and  in  kaaping  with  tha 
filming  contract  spacificationt. 


Original  copias  in  printad  papar  covars  ara  filmad 
baginning  with  tha  front  covar  and  anding  on 
tha  iaat  paga  with  a  printac!  or  iliuatratad  impras- 
•ion,  or  tha  back  covar  whan  appropriata.  All 
othar  originai  copias  ara  filmad  baginning  on  tha 
first  paga  with  a  printad  or  illustratad  impras- 
sion,  and  anding  on  tha  last  paga  with  a  printad 
or  illustratad  imprassion. 


Tha  last  racordad  frame  on  aach  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^>  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  y  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  applies. 

Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc..  may  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  ratios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hand  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


L'exemplaira  f llmA  fut  raproduit  grica  A  la 
ginirosit*  da: 

Library  Division 

Provincial  Archives  of  British  Columbia 

Las  images  suivantas  ont  *t*  raproduites  avac  la 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  da  la  condition  at 
da  la  nattat*  de  l'exemplaira  film*,  at  en 
conformity  avac  las  conditions  du  contrat  da 
filmaga. 

Lea  examplairas  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  eat  imprimia  sont  filmAs  an  commandant 
par  la  premier  plat  at  an  tarminant  soit  par  la 
darniira  paga  qui  comporta  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  la  second 
plat,  selon  le  cas.  Tous  las  autres  axemplairas 
originaux  sont  fiimis  en  commen^ant  par  la 
premidre  paga  qui  comporta  une  empreinte 
d'impreasion  ou  d'illustration  at  en  terminant  par 
la  darniAre  paga  qui  comporta  una  telle 
empreinte. 

Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaftra  sur  la 
darniAre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  —^  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 

Les  cartas,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  Atre 
filmte  A  des  taux  de  reduction  diffArents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clichA.  il  est  filmA  A  partir 
de  Tangle  supArieur  gauche,  de  gauche  A  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas.  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'imagas  nAcessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mAthode. 


errata 
to 


i  pelure. 
on  d 


n 


1 

2 

3 

32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

■1 


\hf> 


m 


eyf3zt/uvest 
COUectio/v 


Be 

'  The  Hoi 

Lffairs,  dir 
Convention 
j|t  the  expi 

I  Mr.  G 

Mr.  Ci 

resterday 
States  "  t( 
hi  Great  ] 
fernmenti 
iiessage  c 
louse  m( 
lelieved  t 
Intitled  to 
fliis  Gove 
(lent  comr 
fress.  B 
j^assed  the 
fiat  all  de 
^e  commi 
^e  on  Foi 
fas  5Mrjor 
lefeat  the 
iee  those  ( 
b  pass  the 
did  was  a. 
■^resident ; 
his  House 
p  guide  it! 

tiow  all  tl 
t  postur 
6  take  a  h 
!i)untry — ; 
leace  and 
;0n  tended, 
Ad  peacel 
nth  equal 
(lestion  p( 
lentous  cc 
before  ' 
ipels  m 
Bsent  reli 
tknow. 

was  mi 
Hirman  o 
^t  positi 

&  G.  s. 


SPE  ECH 


OP 


MR.  M.  P.  GENTRY,  OF  TENNESSEE, 

ON  THE  OEEGON  aUESTION. 


Delivered  in  the  House  of  Representatives,  U.  S.,  February  5, 1846. 

i  The  House  having  under  consideration  the  joint  resolution  reported  b)r  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
^ffairs,  directing  the  President  to  give  notice  to  Great  Britain  that  the  United  States  will  terminate  the 
convention  between  the  two  Governments,  providing  for  the  joint  right  of  trade  in  Oregon  territory, 
At  the  expiration  of  twelve  months — 

Mr.  GENTRY  having  obtained  the  floor,  said —         •  ;' 

Mr.  Chairman  :  Tnis  House  has  placed  itself  in  a  most  extraordinary  attitude.  On 
^esterdaj"^  or  the  day  before  it  passed  a  resolution  requesting  the  President  of  the  United 
States  "  to  communicate  all  correspondence  which  has  passed  between  the  Government 
^f  Great  Britain  and  this  Government,  or  by  or  between  any  of  the  officers  of  said  Go- 
vernments in  relation  to  the  country  west  of  the  Rocky  mountains  since  the  last  annual 
lessage  of  the  President  to  this  House."  If  the  adoption  of  that  resolution  by  the 
louse  meant  any  thing,  it  meant  that  the  representatives  of  the  people  on  this  floor 
|elieved  that,  before  they  were  called  upon  to  vote  upon  this  great  question,  they  were 
Entitled  to  know  all  that  had  transpired  between  the  Government  of  Great  Britain  and 

iiis  Government  in  relation  to  the  difficulties  between  the  two  nations  since  the  Presi- 
ent  communicated  his  annual  message  at  the  beginning  of  the  present  aession  of  Con- 
ress.  But  what  have  we  seen  this  morning  ?  This  House,  which  but  yesterday 
assed  the  resolution  to  which  1  have  referred,  has  this  morning  passed  the  resolution 
lat  all  debate  upon  the  great  question  before  it  shall  cease  on  Monday  next,  and  that 
ilie  committee  shall  then  proceed  to  vote  upon  the  resolution  reported  by  the  Commit- 
^e  on  Foreign  Affiairs,  and  upon  the  various  amendments  which  have  been  offered !  I 
ras  surprised  to  witness  the  efforts  made  by  the  leaders  of  the  Administration  party  to 
jefeat  the  resolution  of  inquiry  which  was  passed  by  the  House,  and  v/as  pleased  to 
Ipe  those  efforts  unsuccessful.  1  have  witnessed  with  regret  their  eff'orts  this  morning 
0  pass  the  resolution  to  terminate  debate,  and  bring  the  House  to  a  vcie  on  Monday, 
tnd  was  astonished  to  see  those  efforts  successful.  Has  the  House  heard  from  the 
■^resident  in  reply  to  its  resolution?  Has  he  responded  to  the  important  inquiry?  Is 
his  House  in  possession  of  the  facts  which,  by  its  inquiry,  it  declared  to  be  necessary 
0  guide  its  conclusic  r  upon  the  question  before  ihe  committee  ?  Does  this  HouFe 
aiow  all  that  has  transpired  between  the  two  Governments  ?  Is  it  informed  of  the  tS' 
ict  posture  of  our  present  relations  with  England  ?  Is  it  prepared  to  act  blindfolded, 
6  take  a  leap  in  the  dark,  on  a  question  which  involves  the  highest  interests  of  the 
iOuntry — a  question  admitted  on  both  sides  of  the  argument  to  involve  the  issues  of 
xbace  and  var  ?  I  say  on  both  sides  of  the  argument.  For  while,  on  the  one  hand,  it  is 
;Ontended,  that  to  pass  this  resolution  is  the  most  effectual  mode  of  securing  a  speedy 
.^d  peaceful  adjustment  of  the  controversy  with  England ;  on  the  other,  it  is  urged, 
Wth  equal  earnestness,  that  its  tendency  will  be  to  promote  war.  All,  then,  agree  that  the 
jtestion  pending  before  this  committee  is  fraught,  for  good  or  evil,  with  the  most  mo- 
(lentous  consequences.  Ought  we  not,  then,  to  have  all  of  the  facts  of  the  case  before 
before  we  are  required  either  to  speak  or  vote  upon  it  ?  I  regret  the  necessity  which 
ipels  me  to  speak  in  the  absence  of  facts  necessary  to  a  proper  understanding  of  the 
Bsent  relations  of  our  Government  with  England,  and  which  I  conceive  I  have  a  right 
kknow. 

was  much  astonished,  in  the  early  part  of  this  debate,  to  hear  the  distinguished 
kirman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Aff'airs  (Mr.  C.  J.  Inoersoll)  declare,  in  the 
bst  positive  and  unqualified  manner,  that  no  correspondence  had  taken  place  betweeii 


fc  G.  S,  Cideon,  printen. 


iuii2lH 


•*^r"'*'!fiH"'9 


$ 


-t 


the  two  Governments   since  that  communicated  to  Congress  at  the  beginning  of  th( 
present  session.     I  believed  then  that  the  gentleman  was  mistaken.     I  believe  so  now 
But  the  gentleman  made  the  declaration  most  emphatically,  and  took  upon  himself  the 
responsibility  of  doing  so.     If  he  had  not  made  that  declaration  so  positively  and  un 
qualifiedly,  I  would  have  introduced  a  resolution,  at  an  early  period  of  this  debate,  call 
ing  on  the  President  to  communicate  to  this  House  any  correspondence  which  migh 
have  taken  place  between  the  two  Governments ;  but  I  felt  that  it  would  not  be  res 
pectful  to  the  gentleman  from  Pennsylvania  (Mr.  C.  J.  Ingersoll)  then  to  do  so.   Thi 
gentleman  from  Vermont,  (Mr.  Collamer,)  in  introducing  the  resolution  which  thi 
House  adopted  on  the  day  before  yesterday,  anticipated  me  in  a  purpose  which  I  in 
tended  to  execute.     I  repeat  my  conviction,   that  the  chairman  of  the  Committee  o: 
Foreign  Affairs  was  mistaken,  when  he  made  the  declaration  to  which  1  have  referred  , 
and  he  is  mistaken  now,  if  he  thinks  there  has  been  no  correspondence  between  thetwc 
Governments  since  that  communicated  by  the  President  at  the  beginning  of  the  preseii 
session  of  Congress.     Such  a  conclusion  is  at  war  alike  with  the  suggestions  of  reasoi 
and  of  common  sense.  It  is  impossible  that  nothing  other  than  that  which  has  been  f-om 
municated  to  this  House  has  transpired  between  the  authorities  of  this  Government  and  thi  i 
of  Great  Britain.   To  suppose  so  is  to  suppose  that  the  Executive  branch  of  this  Govern  < 
mentis  altogether  unmindful  or  regardless  of  the  duties  which  it  owes  to  the  American  pec  ^ 
pie ;  and  that  the  British  Government  is  entirely  indifferent  as  to  the  question  of  peace  Of| 
■war,  as  between  herself  and  this  nation.     The  supporters  of  the  Administration  on  thig 
floor  have  labored  most  strenuously  to  convince  the  House  that  to  give  notice  to  Enj| 
land  in  the  form  proposed  by  the  resolution  reported  by  the  committee  on  Foreign  k% 
fairs,  now  under  consideration,  of  the  abrogation  of  the  treaty  of  1818,  will  not,  car.-' 
not,  produce  war ;  and  they  have  taxed  their  talents — they  have  brought  into  requisition 
all  their  eloquence,  to  present  to  our  view,  in  the  most  striking  lights,  the  powerful  rei-.; 
sons,  the  considerations  of  State  policy,  which  operate  to  make  it  pre-eminently  the  ir  ; 
terest  of  England  to  maintain  peace  with  the  United  States.     I,  in  part,  grant  their  cor 
elusions  ;  I  admit  the  force  of  their  reasoning  ;  I  admit  that  England  desires  peace  wii ' 
the  United  States;  I  admit  that  it  is  pre-eminently  her  interest  to  maintain  peace  with  ui 
I  maintain,  however,  that  it  is  equally  our  interest  to  maintain  peace  with  England, 
hope,  for  the  interestof  my  country,  that  we  will  not  presume  too  much  upon  the  unive: 
sally  admitted  fact,  that  it  is  her  interest  to  maintain  friendly  relations  with  us.     I  hop 
that  we  will  not  forget  to  remember  (and  if  we  are  wise  we  will  not  forget)  that  En[ 
land  may  not,  cannot,  wiH  not,  dare  not,  attempt  to  preserve  and  maintain  any  or  all  ( 
her  domestic  interests  by  sacrificing  her  national  honor — by  disgracefully  lowering  hi 
proud  crest,  or  in  any  way  compromising  her  high  and  commanding  position  among  tli 
nations  of  the  world. 

If,  however,  it  be  true,  as  all  admit,  that  England  is  so  very  desirous  to  maintai 
peace  with  us,  is  it  not  to  be  presumed  that  Sir  Robert  Peel,  charged  as  he  is  with  a 
the  interests  of  that  great  nation,  would,  upon  the  reception  in  England  of  such  a  me 
sage  as  the  President  communicated  to  Congress  at  the  commencement  of  the  presei 
session,  seek  an  interview  with  the  distinguished  individual  who  represents  the  inte 
ests  of  this  nation  at  the  court  of  St.  James  ?     Would  he  not  desire  to  propound  inte 
rogatories  to  Mr.  McLane  ?     Would  he  not  desire  to  learn  from  him,  whether,  indeei 
all  hope  of  honorable  compromise  was  at  an  end  ?     Haviag  announced  to  Parliamen 
■when  the  President's  inaugural  was  the  subject  of  discussion  there,  that  "  England  hi 
Hghts  in  Oregon  which,  by  the  blessing  of  God  and  the  support  of  Parliament,  she  wi 
prepared  and  determined  to  maintain,"  would  he  not  seek  to  know  from  the  America 
minister  whether  those  rights  could  be  peacefully  maintained  ?     Would  he  not  seek  ir 
know  all  this  before  he  determined  the  question  whether  England  must  appeal  to  tli| 
last  resort  of  nations  to  maintain  those  rights  ?     Most  assuredly  he  would.     No  man  | 
common  sense  can  doubt  this  conclusion.     And  can  it,  for  a  moment,  be  supposed,  thli 
the  President  of  the  United  States  was  so  unmindful  of  the  duties  which  rested  upc^ 
him,  as  the  Chief  Magistrate  of  this  great  nation,  as  not  considerately  to  foresee  the  e 


theP 


I 


.m 


ginning  of  the 
elieve  so  now 
on  himself  the 
itively  and  un 
lis  debate,  call 
B  which  migh 
Id  not  be  res 
to  do  so.   Th( 
ion  which  tht 
)se  which  I  in 
Committee  o: 
have  referred  ^ 
stween  the  twi ' 
l  of  the  preseii 
lions  of  reasoi . 
has  been  f.oin  : 
rnment  and  thi  .i 
)f  this  Goverr « 
American  pec  ^ 
lion  of  peace  (k^j 
stration  on  thii 
notice  to  Engl 
on  Foreign  Ail 
,  will  not,  cai!« 
into  requisition^ 
B  powerful  res-.v 
linently  the  ir  ; 
yrant  their  coi  ■ 
ires  peace  wil  ^ 
peace  with  ui 
h  England. 
)on  the  unive: 
th  us.     I  hop 
rget)  that  En[ 
in  any  or  all  i 
f  lowering  ht 
tion  among  tli 

IS  to  maintai 
s  he  is  with  a 
of  such  a  me 
of  the  presei 
ents  the  inte 
ropound  inte 
iiether,  indee( 
to  Parliamen 
"  England  h 
iment,  she  wi 
I  the  America 
he  not  seek  if 
appeal  to  th| 
1.     No  man  4 
supposed,  thil 
ch  rested  upc^ 
forei^ee  the  e^ 


citement  which  his  message  would  create  in  England  ?  That  he  did  not  forward  instruc- 
tions, or  cause  his  Secretary  of  State  to  forward  instructions,  to  our  minister  at  London, 
as  to  how  he  should  bear  himself  with  reference  to  all  the  questions  that  would  arise  at 
that  court  in  relation  to  our  unadjusted  difficulties  with  England  ?  No  sane  man  will, 
for  a  moment,  indulge  such  a  supposition.  Now,  I  contend,  Mr.  Chairman,  that,  be- 
fore this  House  shall  adopt  the  conclusion  of  the  President,  that  "  all  attempts  at  com- 
promise have  failed,"  hopelessly  failed,  and  take  action  upon  that  conclusion,  it  is  a 
duty,  a  high  and  solemn  duty,  resting  upon  it,  to  demand  of  the  President  an  opportu- 
nity of  seeing  those  instructions  and  all  correspondence  which  have  passed  between  the 
two  Governments  since  the  termination  of  negotiations  in  August  last.  The  House 
has  so  determined,  but  no  response  has  been  received  from  the  President.  What  is  the 
character  of  those  instructions?  What  the  character  of  that  correspondence?  What 
the  nature  and  character  of  the  information  forwarded  to  this  Government  by  our  min- 
ister at  the  court  of  St.  James  ?  I  repeat,  that,  reasoning  from  tne  nature  of  things,  no 
man  can  doubt  the  conclusions  at  which  I  have  arrived.  They  are  not  mere  conjec- 
tures— they  are  palpable,  undoubted,  self-evident  facts.  Have  we  not  a  right  to  see 
and  know  all  before  we  adopt  the  measure  which  is  urged  upon  us — a  measure  which  may 
bring  war,  with  all  its  long  train  of  calamities,  upon  our  country?  The  resolution 
which  this  House  has  passed  contained  the  usual  qualification,  leaving  the  discretion  of 
the  President  free  to  determine  whether  the  information  called  for  could  be  communi- 
cated consistently  with  the  public  interest.  More  than  a  week  ago,  the  Senate  passed 
a  similar  resolution.  No  response  has  yet  been  made  by  the  President  either  to  the 
House  or  the  Senate.  fVfiy  is  this  so  ?  Have  negotiations  been  resumed  ?  If  so, 
the  reasons  upon  which  the  President  grounds  his  recommendation  of  notice  have  ceas- 
ed to  exist;  and  this  committee  ought  at  once  to  be  discharged  from  the  further  consid- 
eration of  the  resolution.  Has  the  delicate  point  of  honor,  which  was  supposed  to  have 
lesulted  from  the  circumstances  under  which  the  negotiation  closed  in  August  last,  been 
overcome?  If  so,  certainly  the  committee  ought  to  be  discharged  from  the  further  con- 
sideration of  the  resolution  of  notice ;  for  I  presume  no  gentleman  on  this  floor  would 
deem  it  either  wise  or  courteous  to  pass  such  a  resolution  in  the  midst  of  a  negotiation, 
having  for  its  object  a  peaceful,  fair,  and  just  settlement  of  the  difficulty  between  the 
two  Governments.  I  contend  that  we  have  a  right  to  know  the  present  state  of  the 
facts  of  the  case.  Have  new  propositions  of  compromise  been  submitted  by  the  British 
Government?  If  so,  what  is  their  character?  It  is  the  duty  of  this  House  to  insist 
upon  knowing,  before  it  takes  action  upon  the  resolution  before  it,  which  is  the  first 
of  that  series  of  measures  recommended  by  the  President  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
right  which  he  assumes  for  our  Government  to  the  whole  of  Oregon.  Can  this  House, 
without  knowing  all  the  facts,  wisely  and  properly  determine  whether  the  course  which 
Congress  is  advised  to  take  by  the  President  and  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Afliairs, 
composed  of  a  majority  of  his  friends,  is  the  best  calculated  to  lead  to  a  peaceful  main- 
tenance of  the  nation's  rights ;  or  whether  its  t'^'^dency  will  not  rather.be  to  involve  us 
in  an  unnecessary  war?  I  contend  that  this  House  cannot,  consistently  with  its  duty 
to  the  country,  proceed  to  final  action  on  this  question,  until  all  the  facts  shall  be  com- 
municated. With  these  impressions,  Mr.  Chairman,  I  feel  it  to  be  my  duty  to  call 
upon  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Afl'airs  to  state  distinctly  to  the  House 
whether  he  is  now  prepared  to  repeat  the  declaration,  which  he  made  so  positively  at 
an  early  period  of  this  debate,  that  no  correspondence,  other  than  that  which  has  been 
already  communicated,  has  taken  place  between  the  two  Governments  or  the  represen- 
tatives of  the  two  Governments?  The  relation  in  which  he  stands  to  the  Administration 
will  doubtless  enable  him  to  speak  advisedly  to  the  question. 

Mr.  C.  J.  Ingersoll  rose  to  explain. 

And  the  floor  having  been  yielded  for  the  purpose — 

Mr.  INGERSOLL  said,  he  did  not  recollect  that  he  had  said  any  thing  on  the  subject  be- 
fore. He  rather  thought  he  had  said  nothing.  He  meant  to  say  that  on  that  point  he 
rather  thought  he  had  said  nothing.     He  would  now  say  that  recently  he  believed  some 


I 


correspondence  had  taken  place,  between  the  British  Minister  and  the  Executive  of  the 
United  States,  which  would  be  laid  before  the  House  without  delay.  As  to  the  instruc- 
tions, he  was  not  aware  tnat  the  President  had  been  called  upon  to  give  any. 

Mr.  Gentry  proceeded.  My  opinions,  then,  are  sustained  in  part  by  the  revelation 
made  by  the  Chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  ;  and,  in  my  humble  judg- 
ment, when  time  and  circumstances  shall  have  revealed  to  us  all  the  facts  of  the  case^ 
the  opinions  which  I  have  expressed  will  be  fully  sustained.  The  Chairman  of  the 
Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  tells  us  that  some  correspondence  has  recently  taken 
place  between  the  British  Minister  and  the  Executive  of  the  United  States.  I  am  hap- 
py to  hear  it.  I  congratulate  the  country  upon  that  fact.  Some  progress  has  been  made 
towards  a  resumption  of  negotiation,  and  the  reason  for  giving  notice  of  the  termination 
of  the  convention  of  1818  ceases;  for  it  was  upon  the  ground  that  negotiation  was  at  an 
end  that  the  President  recommended  that  the  notice  should  be  given  ;  and  it  was  upon 
the  ground  that  njiice  would  induce  a  resumption  of  negotiation  that  gentlemen  have 
urged,  in  this  debate,  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  which  proposes  to  give  that  notice. 
When  all  the  truth  shall  be  known,  it  will  be  seen,  that  my  conjectures  relative  to  the 
instructions  given  to  Mr.  McLane  will  also  be  sustained.  Until  those  instructions  shall 
be  brought  fully  to  the  light  I  will  not  express  an  opinion  as  to  the  conduct  of  the  Ex- 
ecutive in  relation  to  our  Oregon  difficulties;  until  then  I  abstain  from  expressing  any 
opinion  upon  some  subjects  to  which  our  attention  has  been  somewhat /^rot'o/eerf  by  the 
declarations  of  the  friends  of  the  present  Executive  Administration  during  this  debate^ 
until  then  I  reserve  the  expression  of  my  opinion  with  reference  to  the  declaration  made 
by  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  (Mr.  P.  Kino,)  when  he  said  that  he  "  could  not 
but  think  that  the  Administration  had  been  greatly  in  error  when  it  made  to  England 
the  offer  of  the  49th  parallel  of  latitude.  It  might  become  embarrassed  by  having  as- 
sumed such  a  position.  With  the  responsibility,  however,  which  pertained  to  him  as  an 
American  citizen,  Mr.  K.  should  freely  express  his  opinions.  It  had  been  said  that  the 
Adn^inistration  must  have  felt  sure  the  offer  would  be  rejected,  or  it  never  would  have 
been  made.  The  offi^r  was  rejected,  and  the  position  of  the  Administration  rendered 
stronger  thereby  ;  and  thus  it  had  been  saved  from  experiencing  any  injury  from  the  er- 
ror it  had  committed,  if  error  it  was."  And  further:  '*  Any  man  of  common  sense 
might  have  known  that  such  a  proposition  to  the  British  Government  would  be  rejected, 
as  it  has  been,  without  even  being  remitted  across  the  water."  Until  then  I  reserve  my 
opinion  in  regard  to  the  declaration  of  the  gentleman  from  S.  Carolina,  (Mr.  Rhett,) 
when  he,  in  reply  to  the  gentleman  from  New  York,  (Mr.  P.  King,)  said  that  "  as  the 
gentleman  had  been  so  kind  as  to  inform  the  House  what  was  said  elsewhere  of  Mr. 
Calhoun  and  the  South,  he  would  take  the  liberty  of  telling  the  gendeman,  in  return, 
what  was  said  of  him  and  those  who  voted  with  him  in  this  matter.  It  was  said  that 
this  was  a  quarrel  got  up  for  purposes  of  political  power  and  of  President-gambling, 
and  not  for  Oregon  at  all;  that  it  was  a  profligate  gambling  with  the  limbs,  and  lives, 
and  blood,  and  happiness,  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  for  an  otiject  like  this,  for 
the  gratification  of  a  reckless  ambition." 

Perhaps  it  would  be  prudent,  also,  to  abstain  from  expressing  an  opinion  upon  the 
imputation  made  by  the  same  gentleman  from  New  York  against  a  distmguished  Sena- 
tor from  South  Carolina,  (Mr.  Calhoun,)  who  is  now,  most  honorably  to  himself,  ex- 
erting his  high  talents  and  large  influence,  in  the  other  wing  of  this  Capitol,  lo  preserve 
the  peace  of  the  country  ;  but  I  would  feel  that  I  was  conniving  at  the  grossest  injustice 
if  I  were  to  fail  to  express  my  most  unqualified  disbelief  of  the  truth  of  that  imputation. 
I  adjourn  the  discussion  of  these  and  other  similar  allusions,  which  have  been  made  by 
the  friends  of  the  present  Administration  in  this  debate,  to  the  effect  that  this  war  about 
Oregon  is  only  intended  to  be  a  war  for  political  purposes,  for  party  efriect;  a  war  to 
strike  down  one  aspirant  to  the  Presidency  and  build  up  another.  Future  developments 
will  shed  light  upon  these  topics  which  we  are  not  now  permitted  to  see.  •!  do  not 
feel  authorized  to  speak  all  that  I  think  at  present;  for  if,  despite  the  exertions  of  the 
patriotic,  the  country  shall  be  involved  in  all  the  calamities  of  war,  it  will  be  the  duty 
of  ev  ery  patrietic  citizen,  whether  in  private  or  public  station,  to  sustain  the  constituted 


authol 
sourcl 
tion  ,| 
I  am 
the  dJ 
whici 
somel 

TiOt  si 

Govel 
now 
lend  l| 
to  wl 
with 
in  a( 
of  the 


« 


Ixecutive  of  the 
i  to  the  ins  true- 
any. 

the  revelation 
i  humble  judg- 
ts  of  the  case^ 
lairman  of  the 
recently  taken 
58.     I  am  hap- 
has  been  made 
le  termination 
tion  was  at  an 
id  it  was  upon 
ntlemen  have 
ve  that  notice, 
relative  to  the 
tructions  shall 
ct  of  the  Ex- 
«pressing  any 
jvoked  by  the 
?  this  debate,'; 
laration  made 
e  "  could  not 
e  to  England 
y  having  as- 
to  him  as  an 

said  that  the 
r  would  have 
ion  rendered 
'  from  the  er- 
tnmon  sense 
1  be  rejected, 
I  reserve  my 
Ir.  Rhett,) 
that  «♦  as  the 
here  of  Mr. 
1,  in  return, 
as  said  that 
It-gambling, 
s,  and  lives, 
like  this,  for 

>n  upon  the 
ished  Sena- 
limself,  ex- 
10  preserve 
;st  injustice 
imputation. 
;n  made  by 
I  war  about 
t ;  a  war  to 
velopments 
•I  do  not 
ons  of  the 
>e  the  duty 
constituted 


authorities  of  the  country,  so  hr  as  may  be  necessary  to  enable  them  to  wield  all  the  re- 
sources and  energies  of  the  nation  to  bring  the  war  to  a  successful  and  glorious  termina- 
tion ;  and,  therefore,  in  the  present  state  of  uncertainty  with  referoiico  to  the  future, 
I  am  unwilling  to  indulge  in  a  harsh  or  uncharitable  judgment  of  their  conduct.  Wher 
the  day  shall  come  for  the  American  people  to  hold  them  to  account  for  the  manner  iu 
which  they  have  discharged  the  high  duties  entrusted  to  them,  then  I  propose  to  have 
something  to  say  upon  these  themes,  now  forbidden  by  considerations  which  I  need 
not  state.  But  I  must  say  that,  if  it  shall  appear  that  any  public  functionary  of  this 
Government,  charged  by  his  countrymen  with  the  management  of  the  question  which 
now  threatens  the  peace  of  the  nation,  has  been  so  lost  to  patriotism  and  honor  as  to 
lend  himself  to  the  guidance  of  motives  and  objects,  such  as  are  imputed  by  the  remarks 
]  to  which  I  have  referred — so  base  and  wicked  as  to  put  up  the  peace  of  the  country, 
with  all  the  interests  which  stand  connected  with  its'  preservation,  as  a  gambling  stake 
in  a  desperate  and  vile  play  of  mean  ambition,  he  deserves  the  concentrated  execrations 
of  the  present  and  all  future  generations  of  mankind  ;  tmd  there  ought  to  be  "  a  whip  of 
scorpions  placed  in  every  honest  hand,  to  lash  the  rascal  naked  through  the  world." 

But,  sir,  I  waive  the  discussion  of  all  questions  of  this  kuid  as  unsuited  to  this  occa- 
sion, and  proceed  to  address  myself  to  the  important  subject  now  under  consideration  by 
tlds  committee.  The  House  of  Representatives  has  resolved  itself  into  a  Committee  of 
the  Whole  on  the  state  of  the  Union  ;  and  the  question  for  our  consideration  is,  what 
aetion  ought  to  be  taken  by  the  Congress  of  the  United  ?»tates  upon  the  resolution  re- 
ported by  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  which  is  as  follows  : 

"  Resolved  by  the  Senate  and  House  of  Representatives  of  the  United  States  ofJlmerica  in  Congress  assembled, 
That  the  President  of  the  United  States  forthwith  cause  notice  to  be  given  to  tiie  Government  of  Great 
Britain  that  the  convention  between  tlie  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  concerning  the  territory  of 
Oregon,  of  the  sixth  of  August,  eighteen  hundred  and  twenty-seven,  signed  at  London,  shuU  be  annulled 
and  abrogated  twelve  months  after  tlie  expiration  of  the  said  notice,  conformably  to  the  second  article  of 
the  said  convention  of  the  sixth  of  August,  eighteen  hundred  and  twenty-seven." 

In  considering  this  question,  we  must  embrace  in  one  comprehensive  view  all  the  in- 
terests of  this  great  Republic,  as  those  interests  are  liable  to  be  affected,  injuriously  or 
advantageously,  by  a  disgraceful  surrender  or  firm  maintenance  of  national  rights  and 
national  honor,  by  the  preservation  of  peace,  with  all  its  couniless  blessings,  or  by  the 
occurrence  of  war,  with  all  its  innumerable  cclamities  and  evils.  In  considering  this 
question,  we  ought  to  elevate  ourselves  above  every  motive  which  does  not  have  its 
origin  in  the  purest  patriotism,  iri  a  sincere  desire  to  arrive  at  wise  conclusions,  and  to 
take  such  action  as  will  best  protect  the  honor  and  the  rights  of  our  country,  and  pro- 
mote the  happiness  and  welfare  of  the  twenty  millions  of  people  committed  to  our  guar- 
dianship. With  my  mind  thus  chastened,  I  have  endeavoretl  to  consirier  this  question. 
I  have  formed  my  opinion;  I  have  determined  upon  the  line  of  conduct  which  I  believe 
it  to  be  my  duty  to  pursue.  My  opinion  is,  that  we  will  best  discharge  our  duty  to  our 
country  by  declining  to  take  any  action  upon  the  question  now  before  this  committee 
until  the  last  month  of  the  present  session  of  Congress,  or  until  the  next  session  of  Con- 
gress; and  that,  if  we  are  forced  to  vote  upon  it  now,  we  ouglit  to  vote  against  it.  What 
evil  can  possibly  result  from  this  course  ?  Mow  can  the  rigiits  of  the  nation  be  jeopard- 
ed by  a  postponement  of  the  vote  upon  this  resolution?  By  such  a  postponement,  we 
will  give  further  time  for  the  adjustment  of  the  difficulty  between  the  two  Governments 
by  negotiation ;  and  we  will  then  come  to  the  consideration  of  the  question  better  pre- 
pared than  we  now  are  to  determine  wisely  what  ought  to  be  done  by  Congress  to 
maintain  our  claims  in  Oregon.  We  will  then  be  able  to  know  certainly  whether  there 
is,  in  the  language  of  the  President,  "  satisfactory  evidence  that  no  compromise  which 
the  United  States  ought  to  accept  can  be  effected.''''  In  urging  this  course  of  policy,  I 
am  not  unmindful  of  the  fact  that  the  resolution  now  before  this  committee  is  the  meas- 
ure recommended  by  the  Administration ;  nor  of  the  fact  that  a  large  majority  of  this 
House  are  the  political  friends  and  supporters  of  the  present  Administration.  But  are 
they  not  more  devoted  to  country  than  to  party  ?    If  that  majority  shall  perceive  th^f 


Isler 
in  Tio| 

Engla 
Thl 
4efinl| 
from 

J*akei| 


jiienci 
reprel 
■was  ij 
liverej 
tion  V 
States 
meas! 
^put 


'     .     .    ' ,    liot  th| 
the  President  has  rashly  committed  himself  to  a  policy  not  necessary  to  maintain  the  ^^^y 

rights  of  the  nation,  and  calculated  to  endanger  the  peace  of  the  country,  will  they,  un-  ^g^ 
der  the  blind  guidance  of  party,  follow  his  lead?     The  wise  framers  of  our  Constitution  ^^  ^| 
intended  to  form  a  system  of  government  in  which  the  Legislature  should  be  indepen-  ^p\a 
dent  of  the  Executive;  and  they  invested  the  Legislature  with  power  to  check  and  con- 
trol the  Executive,  when  tiie  public  interest  demanded  the  exercise  of  that  power. 

I  trust  that  this  Congress  will  sublimely  realize  the  intentions  of  those  illustrious 
founders  of  our  C4overnmont,  by  interposing  its  authority  to  arrest  the  Executive  in  that 
reckless  system  of  measures  in  relation  to  our  difficulties  with  England,  which,  if  car- 
ried out,  must  inevitably  involve  this  nation  in  a  most  unnecessary  and  calamitous  war. 
The  resolution  now  before  this  committee,  proposing  to  give  peremptory  and  unquali- 
fied notice  to  England  of  the  termination,  at  the  end  of  a  year,  of  the  treaty  of  1818, 
may  fairly  be  regarded  as  the  measure  of  the  Administration.  I  hope  that  none  will  J^duc 
attribute  my  opposition  to  it  to  party  motives.  I  opposed  the  election  of  the  present  ^ione 
President  of  the  United  States,  but  I  did  not  come  here  to  make  factious  opposition  to 
his  Administration.  Upon  all  questions  relating  to  our  foreign  affairs,  especially,  it 
would  be  far  more  agreeable  to  nie  to  support  than  to  oppose  the  Executive.  I  hold 
the  opinion  that  all  questions  relating  to  our  foreign  affairs  ought,  as  far  as  possible,  to 
be  pla  ed  beyond  the  scope  of  party  views  and  party  considerations.  And  1  am  not 
without  a  hope  that  a  majority  of  Congress,  acting  upon  patriotic  motives,  will  defeat 
the  Administration  upon  this  measure.  I  feel  that  I  am  justified  in  regarding  the  reso- 
lution now  before  the  committee  as  the  measure  of  the  Administration,  from  the  fact 
that  it  was  reported  to  this  House  by  a  committee  composed  mainly  of  the  friends  of 
the  Administration ;  from  the  fact  that  a  resolution  precisely  analogous  has  been  re- 
ported in  the  other  wing  of  this  Capitol  by  a  committee  similarly  constituted ;  and 
from  facts  and  circumstances,  known  to  us  all,  constantly  transpiring  in  this  hall  and 
out  of  it.  Any  material  change  or  modification  of  the  resolution  is,  then,  a  defeat  of 
the  Executive.  I  have  already  stated  that  I  believe  it  to  be  the  wisest  policy  for  Con- 
gress to  take  no  affirmative  action  whatever,  at  the  present  time,  upon  the  question  of 
notice.  I  fear  that  a  majority  of  this  House  will  not  agree  with  me.  Whilst  it  is 
probable  thai  a  majority  of  this  House  is  in  favor  of  giving  notice  in  some  form,  I  can- 
not believe  that  a  majority  will  sustain  the  resolution  in  its  present  form.  I  admit 
that  the  resolution  may  be  so  modified  as  to  relieve  it  of  its  hostile  aspect,  and  make  it 
powerless  for  good  or  evil.  But,  in  my  humble  judgment.  Congress  ought  not  to  inter- 
pose in  matters  connected  with  the  foreign  affairs  of  the  nation,  unless  its  interpositiorfc 
shaU  carry  with  it  that  dignity  which  can  alone  attach  to  that  kind  of  action  which» 
founded  in  wisdom,  is  powerfully  effective  of  good.  Nevertheless,  if  the  resolution 
cannot  be  defeated  entirely,  let  it  be  modified  so  as  to  relieve  it  of  it3  hostile  aspect.  In 
either  event,  the  Execvitive  will  not  be  sustained  in  his  reckless  system  of  measures, 
and  the  peace  of  the  nation  will  be  preserved. 

I  repeat  that,  if  I  believed  this  measure  of  the  Administration  calculated  to  conserve 
the  peace  of  the  country,  and  necessary  to  maintain  its  rights,  it  would  give  me  sincere 
pleasure  to  support  it.  But  I  believe  its  tendency  will  be  to  produce  war,  and  that  it  is 
not  necessary  to  maintain  the  rights  of  the  nation.  I  have  nothing  to  say  in  relation  to 
the  various  propositions  which  have  been  made  to  amend  it.  I  desire  all  that  I  say  to 
be  understood  as  applying  to  the  resolution  as  reported  by  the  Committee  on  Foreign 
Aflfairs.  On  what  grounds  do  its  supporters  urge  its  adoption  ?  It  is  said  to  be  neces- 
sary to  bring  the  difficulty  between  this  Government  and  England,  in  relation  to  their 
conflicting  territorial  claims  on  the  northwestern  coast  of  this  continent,  to  a  speedy 
and  peaceful  setdement.  It  is  said  to  be  necessary  to  induce  a  resumption  of  negotia- 
tions,  and  as  an  auxiliary  to  our  negotiators.  How  is  it  to  produce  these  effects  ? 
Where  are  the  proofs  of  these  assertions  ?  Has  not  England  already  given  us  sufficient 
proofs  that  she  desires  a  peaceful  and  speedy  adjustment  of  that  difficulty  ?  Was  not 
Lord  Ashburton  charged  with  its  adjustment  by  England  when  he  was  sent  by  that 
Government  to  settle  the  difficulty  in  relation  to  the  northeastern  boundary  ?     And  was 


to  maintain  the 
y,  will  they,  un- 
our  Constitution 
>uld  he  mdepen- 

check  and  con- 
at  power, 
hose  illustrious 
xecutive  in  that 

which,  if  car- 
Ralamitous  war. 
ry  and  unquali- 
ireaty  of  1818, 
5  that  none  will 
of  the  present 
s  opposition  to 

especially,  it 
utive.  I  hold 
as  possible,  to 

And  I  am  not 
es,  will  defeat 
ding  the  reso- 
from  the  fact 
the  friends  of 
3  has  been  re- 
istituted;  and 
this  hall  and 
■n,  a  defeat  of 
)licy  for  Con- 
e  question  of 
Whilst  it  is 
3  form,  I  can- 
w.     I  admit 
>  and  make  it 
t  not  to  inter- 
interpositioiv 
;tion   which, 
le  resolution 
3  aspect.    In 
>f  measures, 

1  to  conserve 
3  me  sincere 
md  that  it  is 
n  relation  to 
hat  I  say  to 
on  Foreign 
to  be  neces- 
ion  to  their 
to  a  speedy 
of  negotia- 
se  effects? 
IS  sufficient 

Was  not 
Pnt  by  that 

And  was 


hot  the  adjustment  of  this  difficulty  postponed  then,  because  it  complicated  the  diffi- 
culty of  agreeing  upon  a  treaty  with  regard  to  the  northeastern  boundary,  which  was 
Aen  a  question  of  urgent  necessity,  imminently  threatening  to  disturb  the  peace  of  the 
two  nations  ?  Reference  to  the  documents  will  sustam  me  in  these  facts,  and  in  the 
declaration  which  I  now  make,  that,  immediately  after  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of 
l^Vashington  by  England,  that  Government  forwarded  instructions  to  its  resident  min- 
ister here  to  move  the  President  to  forward  sucli  instructions  to  the  American  minister 
in  London  as  would  authorize  him  to  negotiate  a  treaty  prescribing  a  boundary  between 
England  and  the  United  States  on  the  northwest  coast  of  this  continent. 

Then  Mr.  Pakenham  was  sent  here  with  full  power  to  negotiate  a  treaty  to  settle 
definitively  the  claims  of  the  two  Governments  in  the  Oregon  territory.  It  appears, 
|rom  the  correspondence  communicated  with  the  President's  annual  message,  that  Mr. 
i*akenham  importuned  the  authorities  of  this  Government  repeatedly,  before  he  could 
induce  them  to  enter  seriously  upon  the  important  business  which  he  was  commis- 
sioned by  his  Government  to  adjust.  After  considerable  delay,  negotiations  com- 
menced, and  were  in  progress  on  the  4th  of  March  last,  between  Mr.  Calhoun,  as  the 
representative  of  tins  Government,  and  the  British  minister.  On  that  day  Mr.  Polk 
was  inaugurated  President  of  the  United  States,  and,  as  is  usual  on  that  occasion,  de- 
livered an  address,  in  which  he  reiterated  a  vesolution  passed  by  the  political  conven- 
tion which  nominated  him  as  a  candidate  for  the  presidency,  that  the  title  of  the  United 
States  to  the  Oregon  country  is  clear  and  unquestionable,  and  announced  that  all  the 
measures  necessary  to  perfect  that  title,  and  make  it  complete  by  occupancy,  would  be 
•put  in  operation,  &c.     What  was  the  effect  of  this  declaration  ? 

All  knew  how  this  declaration  exasperated  the  British  ministry  an  J  people.  No  one 
can  have  forgotten  the  replies  made  to  it  on  the  fioor  of  Parliament  by  Sir  Robert  Peel, 
the  Minister  of  the  Crown,  and  Lord  John  Russell,  the  head  of  the  Opposition,  and 
how  their  declarations  were  instantly  responded  to  by  all  parties  on  all  sides  of  the 
House.  Parliament  seemed  unanimous  in  the  declaration  that  Britain  had  rights  in 
Oregon,  which  she  was  prepared  and  determined  to  maintain  at  all  hazards. 

Mr.  Calhoun  retired  from  the  Department  of  State,  and  Mr.  Buchanan  was  ap- 
pointed his  successor ;  and,  under  his  auspices,  the  negotiation  with  Mr.  Pakenham 
was  continued  ;  and  by  him,  under  the  direction  of  the  President,  a  proposition  was 
made  to  the  British  minister  to  make  the  parallel  of  the  49th  degree  of  north  latitude 
the  boundary  line  between  England  and  the  United  States.  This  proposition  was  sub- 
stantially the  same  as  those  made  by  two  preceding  administrations  of  our  Govern- 
ment, with  this  difference,  that,  in  some  slight  and  unimportant  particulars,  it  seemed 
to  be  less  favorable  to  England  than  the  propositions  which  had  been  previously  made 
by  Mr.  Monroe's  administration  and  by  Mr.  Adams's.  It  was  rejected  by  Mr.  Pak- 
enham, and  immediately  Imffi-shhi  withdrawn  by  Mr.  Buchanan,  under  the  direction  of 
the  President.  The  withdrawal  was  accompanied  by  a  labored  argument,  to  prove  thaj 
the  title  of  the  United  States  to  the  whole  of  the  Oregon  territory  was  "clear  and 
unquestionable."  This  occurrence  transpired  in  August  last.  On  the  first  Monday  in 
December  last,  the  President  communicated  to  Congress  his  annual  message,  in  which 
he  gave  us  a  history  of  these  transactions,  apologized  for  having  made  a  proposition  to 
partition  the  territory,  and,  after  informing  us  of  the  rejection  by  the  British  minister 
of  his  proposition,  proceeded  to  say: 

"The  extraordinary  and  wholly  inadmissible  demands  of  the  British  Government,  and  the  rejection 
of  the  proposition  made  in  deference  alone  to  what  had  been  done  by  my  predecessors,  and  the  implied 
obligation  which  their  acts  seemed  to  impose,  afford  satisfactory  evidence  tliat  no  compromise  which  the 
United  States  ought  to  accept  can  be  effected.  With  this  conviction  the  proposition  of  conripromise, 
which  has  been  made  and  rejected,  was,  by  my  direction,  stibsequently  withdrawn,  and  otcv  titk  to  the 
whole  Oregon  territory  asserted,  and,  as  is  believed,  maintained  by  irrefragable  facts  and  arguments." 

And  further,  he  informs  us: 

"JU  attempts  at  compromise  having  failed,  it  becomes  the  dntj'  of  Congress  to  consider  v/nat  measures 
it  may  be  proper  to  adopt  for  the  security  and  protection  of  our  citizens  now  iii)ial)iting,  or  who  may 
hereafter  inhabit,  Oregon,  and  for  the  maintenance  of  our  just  title  to  that  territory." 


And,  tliat  no  man  may  doubt  the   effect  of  the  measure  of  notice  which  he  recor,  \Vc 
incnds,  he  proceeds  to  say:  egotial 

"At  the  end  of  the  year's  notice,  should  Crngress  ihink  it  proper  to  make  provision  for  Riving  th^)?^,  " 
notice,  wf  uhiill  liavc  reaciu'd  a  period  wlv  ii  the  national  ri^jhts  in  Orc;^on  must  »'ithor  l)e  aUandonod  di     **" 
firmly  maintained.    That  they  cau.i.Ji  he  ubiUidoneU  without  a  sjucrifice  uf  botli  national  honor  undinltt  not  tc 
cut  is  too  clear  to  admit  of  doubt,"  ^^  y^  (tI 

Mr.  Chairman,  tliesc  are  tlie  circumHtances  under  which  we  are  called  upon  to  givf'*  *^'  ff 
this  notice,  to  pass  this  Administration  measure.  We  will  fail  to  determine  correcth*"  "*;*' 
the  effect  of  this  notice  if  we  do  not  embrace  within  our  view  of  the  subject  all  of  tlu**^*^  '*'.' 
circumstances  with  wliich  it  stands  connected.  By  itself,  and  of  itself,  notice  is  nothinj??*.^^'" 
for  the  convention  of  1818  expressly  provides  that  either,  of  the  nations  which  are  par*^"'^^  ' 
ties  to  that  treaty  may  at  any  time  terminate  it,  by  giving  one  year's  notice  to  the  other' 
party.  But  if  Congress  shall  adopt  the  extreme  position  of  the  President,  by  passim.'' 
the  resolution  now  before  this  committee,  under  exisiiMjT  circumstances,  this  (lovern-' 
uient  will  stand  pledged  to  that  series  of  measures  hinted  at  by  the  President,  when  he 
says,  that  "at  the  end  of  the  year's  notice,  shoidd  Congress  think  it  proper  to  make'f  .  . 
provision  for  giving  that  notice,  we  shall  have  reached  a  period  when  the  national  rights'l^'**"^'" 
in  Oregon  must  either  be  abandoned  or  firmly  maintained.  That  they  cannot  be  aban-'  >8sun 
doned  without  a  sacrifice  of  both  national  honor  and  interest  is  too  clear  to  admit  ol")?  f|^ 
doubt."  Looking  at  the  question  in  this  connexion,  who  can  regard  it  as  a  peace  mea-T*  . 
sure?  Who  can  believe  that  its  tendency  will  be  to  facilitate  a  resumption  of  negotia-"**  '" 
tions  ?  Who  can  fail  to  see  that  its  tendency  will  be  to  increase  the  difficulties  which^X  ^^^^ 
obstruct  a  peaceful  adjustment  of  our  difficulty  with  England?  And  who  can  say  that  t'"''  V 
it  will  not  tend  to  produce  war?  What  necessity  is  there  for  the  adoption  of  this  reso-'*^'^^"'' 
lution?  What  will  be  its  effect  ?  How  is  it  to  operate  towards  makir- England  ne-'M' g'^*'" 
gotiate  a  peaceful  adjustment  of  the  controversy?  What  does  it  amount  to?  To  this,'||*'"'^  |?_ 
and  this  only:  We  have  a  right  to  the  whole  of  Ores^on:  but  in  1818  we  agreed  that'T|,P|  I 
you  should  occupy  it  jointly  with  us  until  one  or  the  odier  of  us  should  terminate  the  '  ^  *'  '^i 
convention.  We  now  find  it  our  interest  to  terminate  the  convention,  and  you  must  |^  "*^  ,^| 
march  out ;  the  lohole  country  is  ours,  and  we  will  have  it,  peaceably  or  forcibly  ;  and,  '^  Sp  '^ 
if  you  do  not  march  out  at  our  bidding,  we  intend  to  drive  you  out  at  the  end  of  a  ^^?  J 
year.  Is  this  is  a  suasive  argument  to  induce  liberal  concessions  and  fair  compromises  8tmiims 
by  negotiation?  What  is  there  in  the  history  of  England  to  induce  the  belief  that  she  "^  "**^  . 
can  be  thus  bullied  into  a  compliance  with  the  demands  of  our  Government  ?  In  what  ^Jf^  "'| ' 
page  of  her  long  and  eventful  history  can  any  thing  be  found  to  justify  such  conclu-  ^f  .^ 


tH 


ts  m 


thi 


sions?  Will  she  negotiate  with  the  sword  of  coercion  brandished  in  her  face  ?  Is  the 
Executive  branch  of  this  Government  acling  under  the  belief  that  the  reasons  and  mo- 
tives  which  make  England  desire  a  continuation  of  peace  with  this  nation  are  so  pow- 
erful, that  she  will  yield  to  our  demands,  under  circumstances  of  disgrace  and  dishonor 
to  herself?  Are  they  striving  to  obtain  a  setdement  of  our  dithcully  with  England 
under  such  circumstances,  as  that  they  can  claim  to  have  bullied  that  nation  into  terms? 
Is  this  the  triumph  which  they  propose  to  achieve  ?  Are  these  the  poor,  mean,  base, 
damnable  motives  and  objects  which,  actuating  the  functionaries  of  this  Government, 
have  brought  the  peace  of  the  country  into  unnecessary  peril  ?  Are  these  the  high  and  '  w^nx 
patriotic  aims  of  those  who  are  entrusted  with  the  destiny  of  this  great  nation?  Is  it  ^¥'"  ^° 
thus  that  th^y  acquit  themselves  of  the  high  task  confided  to  them  by  the  American  ff]^,^*'; 
people  ?     I  trust  not.     I  trust  that  the  President  and  all  his  associates  in  the  Executive    ^'^ 


pifoinise 
and  bel 
0|ivn  CO 
e|ves  ii 
it,  Cha 
f^r  this 
I  Engla 


to_ 
that  th 


administration  are  laboring  with  singleness  of  purpose  to  effect  a  peaceful  adjustment  of  , 

our  difficulties — such  an  adjustment  as  will  secure  the  rights  and  honor  of  the  nation     ?9"  "^' 
without  jeoparding  its  peace.     My  opinion  upon  thi?  point  will  be  determined  by  the     owi'^^^ 
developments  of  the  future.     I  express  none  now.     I  contend,  however,  that  if  this 
Government  is  aiming  to  effect  such  an  adjustment  of  our  controversy  with  England, 
the  adoption  of  the  resolution  now  before  this  committee  will  not  facilitate  the  accom- 
plishment of  that  object.     It  is  not  necessary,  as  has  been  argued,  to  stimulate  negotia- 


levea 
t  abou 

gyess  ' 


which  he  recor  We  have  abundant  proofs  that  England  anxiousily  desires  to  settle  the  controrersy 
egotiation.  Her  saffacious  statesmen  know  tliat,  if  any  thing  can  give  us  the  whole  of 
ision  forpivinff  tlnC"*^^""  territory,  it  will  be  time,  and  the  operation  of  that  "American  multiplication 
i''i-  be  aliaiidoncd  ,)/'  so  delicately  referred  to  in  this  debate.  England  understands  her  interest  too 
mil  hoiiorundniut  not  to  desire  a  peaceful  and  curly  settlement  of  the  difficulty.  That  she  does  not 
re  to  go  ti)  war  with  us  is  abundantly  proven  by  her  own  conduct,  and  by  the  argu- 
led  upon  to  givfMi  "f  genllemen  in  this  debate,  wlio  have  lahired  to  magnify  the  reasons  and  causes 
ermine  correcrth''^  make  it  almost  fatal  to  her  to  do  so.  And  I  apprehend  that  he  who  seeks  to  find 
subject  all  of  tlii^^  '**'■  ^'''^  extraordinary  display  of  that  spirit  of  bullying  and  of  gasconading  de- 
otice  is  nothinc'*  ^^'''^■''  ''•'■'^  characterised  ibis  debate,  equalling  any  thing  Miat  Mexico  ever  achiev- 
»  which  are  pal-Jy^'*^^  '"'^^  ^^  S'oiy,  cannot  do  better  than  to  refer  it  to  the  profound  conviction  which 
tice  to  the  otherV"*^'^  entertain  that  England,  by  reason  of  causes  having  their  existence  in  her 
lent,  by  passin<'ji''*^'>''^'^''''^'  cannot  be  provoked  at  the  present  time  to  go  to  war  with  the  United 

;s,  this  (Tovern-^* 

Mdent,  when  lic*^  i^  ^^  certain  that  a  peaceful  settlement  of  the  difficulty  is  desired  by  all  who  have 
>roper  to  make'!"  *^'^  ^^''^  **"^.i^^*^  Gentlemen  scout  the  idea  of  a  partition  of  the  territory.  Hav- 
!  national  rights'V^^'^'^*^  tiiemselves  that  our  title  to  the  tvhole  territory  is  clear  and  unquestionable, 
cannot  be  aban-'  Msume  that  any  settlement  of  the  question  which  surrenders  a  portion  of  the  ter- 
?M  to  admit  ol"X  ^°  England  amounts  to  a  disgraceful  purchase  of  peace  by  giving  away  Ameri- 
is  a  peace  mea-T^*''  ^"If^^s  they  are  prepared  to  give  England  some  valuable  equivalent  for  her 
tion  of  negotia-"^"  '"  ^'^'^^  territory,  it  is  preposterous  to  expect  such  a  settlement  of  the  controversy 
fficulties  which^y  propose,  by  any  other  mode  than  that  of  conquest  by  war.  I  do  no  '  lieve 
tio  can  say  that  H^^^  nation  ought  to  go  to  war  to  maintain  such  a  claim  to  the  wh-  ^e  of  Oregti;.  I 
m  of  this  reso-'*"^"^'""^^y  believe  that  gentlemen  who  contend  for  the  position  to  which  I  Snvi  re- 
'~  England  ne-'^'  ground  their  opinions  upon  the  resolution  of  the  Baltimi  re  Convention  and  the 
to?  To  this  '©iT'^l  of  the  President,  rather  than  upon  ihe  facts  and  arguments  of  .\t  case.  I 
ive  agreed  that'*^  believe  that  this  nation  has  a  clenr  and  unquestionable  title  to  the  whole  of  Ore- 
terminate  the'  ^  ^'^  ^'^^'  ^"  believe,  I  would  be  /.lUing  to  wage  war  to  make  good  that  title.  I 
find  you  must  H  ""^^  ^''^P  ^^  inquire  how  long,  how  disastrous,  or  terrible  the  struggle  might  be,  I 
forcibly ;  and,  ^^  go  for  such  a  war  rather  than  purchase  dishonorable  peace  by  yielding  up  terri- 
the  end  of  a  ^'I'icb  was  "clearly  and  unquestionably  ours."  But  we  have  no  such  clear  title, 
compromises  *lnii"istration  of  Mr.  Monroe,  of  Mr.  Adams,  and  of  Mr.  Polk,  have  proposed  to  par- 
belief  that  she  ^:^^^^  territory  by  making  the  49th  degree  of  north  latitude  the  boundary  between 
nt  ?     In  what  'f^  nations  west  of  the  Kocky  mountains. 

■  such  conclu"  '^^  ^'^a\e  thus,  by  solemn  acts  of  our  own  Government,  admitted  that  England  has 

"ace  ?     Is  the  ^  '"  ^^^^  territory  as  well  as  ourselves.     We  are  committed  to  the  principle  of 

ons  and  mo-  Pfomise  by  a  partition  of  the  territory.     Shall  we  be  justified  in  this  enlightened 

are  so  pow-    ^"'^  before  the  nations  of  the  earth,  and  more  especially  by  our  own  countrymen  and 

and  dishonor  ^'^  consciences,  in  going  to  war  for  a  territory  in  regard  to  which  we  have  placed 

ih  England    4^'es  in  this  attitude? 

it.  Chairman,  I  am  endeavoring  to  convince  this  committee  that  there  is  no  neces- 

.f0r  this  noil?e,  as  a  means  of  facihtating  a  peaceful  adjustment  of  our  difficulties 

I  England  in  relation  to  the  controversy  about  the  territory   of  Oregon.     With  a 

r  to  this  aim,  let  me  inquire  whether  there  is  anything  in  the  recent  advices  from 

laifld  to  induce  the  belief  that  the  Government  of  England  is  not  disposed  to  adjust 

cfntroversy  peacefully  and  liberally  ?     I   maintain  that  there  is  nothing  in  those 

368  to  justify  such  a  conclusion.     The   newspapers   of  England   reveal   to   us  the 

that  the  conduct  of  the  Executive  administration  of  our  Government  in  relation  to 

fon  has  excited  feelings  of  animosity  and  resentment  in  that  kingdom,  which,  un- 

oidinary  circumstances,  would  have  displayed  itself  in  a  most  imposing  form.     But 

teveal  to  us  also  the  additional  fact  that  the  people  of  England  found  their  resent- 

h  England,     t  about  Oregon  more  than  neutralized  by  that  portion  of  the  message  which  advises 

the  accom-     $!f^^^  ^^  abandon  that  system  of  policy  which  has  built  up  manufacturing  eslablish- 

te  negotia-     %  ^^  ^^^^  country,  which  have,  to  a  considerable  extent,  driven  English  manufao- 

^ut  of  the  American  market,  and  which  have  entered  into  successful  competitioa 


into  terms  ? 
mean,  base, 
Tovernment, 
le  high  and 
tion  ?  Is  it 
le  American 

Executive 
justmentof 

the  nation 
ned  by  the 
that  if  this 


10 


H 


With  the  manufactures  of  England  in  other  regions  of  the  glohe.    The  tariff  pa^\ 
the  message  is  more  than  a  salvo  to  the  Oregon  part.     Whilst  the  Oregon  part  o^^  o^ 
message  makes  John  Bull  frown,  ttie  free  trade  part  of  it  drives  that  frown  froiw**"°  ^ 
brow ;  and  he  delightedly  exults  in  contemplating  the  commercial  and  manufacti  •P^'^ 
prosperity  which  will  enure  to  him,  when,  by  the  policy  of  the  President,  the  mW  the 
facturing  interests  of  this  country  shall  be  broken  down,  and  the  country  thereb^ditio 
stored  to  a  commercial  dependance  on  England,  like  that  which  existed  when  these|l  '^he 
States  were  her  colonies.     The  British  Government,  then,  will  make  no  war  wit[*#  w^^ 
United  States  about  Oregon,  whilst  our  Government  offers  her,  as  an  equivalent  ®"*^,  ^ 
?ier  claims  in  that  territory,  commercial  advantages  far  more  valuable  to  her  thai'li)  ".^" 
undisputed  possession  of  the  whole  0/  Oregon.     Give  England  satisfactory  assu 
that  the  policy  recommended  by  the  President  will  be  the  permanent  policy  of  thii 
tion,  and  she  will,  to  secure  such  a  result,  give  us  the  whole  of  Oregon  ;  and  I  a 
sure  that  she  would  not  cede  us  the  Canadas  also.     For  what  purpose  does  she  i 
tain  her  colonial  system,  at  a  vast  expense,  other  than  to  promote  her  commercial 
manufacturing  interests.     Guaranty  to  her  these  interests,  and  she  would  gladly  re! 
herself  of  the  expense  of  governing  and  defending  those  colonies.     Has  our  minis 
London  been  instructed  to  urge  these  considerations  upon  the  British  Governmei 
dispose  that  Government  to  liberal  concessions  with  respect  to  the  Oregon  controv 
Has  he  been  instructed  to  negotiate  a  commercial  treaty  with  that  Government' 
would  like  to  know.     I  desire  to  see   those  instructions.     There  will  be  no  warl 
about  Oregon,  unless,  by  some  act  of  extreme  folly,  this  Government  shall  placi 
question  in  such  an  attitude  that  England  cannot  make  the  concessions  demand 
our  Government,  without  sacrificing  her  honor,  without  losing  her  high  position  ai 
the  nations.  ••  ' .  '>.        .'  'T 

Gentlemen  affect  extreme  sensitiveness  about  the  honor  of  the  country,  as  involvi 
this  controversy  with  England.     They  assume  that  "  our  title  to  the  whole  of  OrW^^^  ' 
is  clear  and  unquesticnable,^^  and  declare  that  any  adjustment  of  our  controversy^*^*^  "C^ 
England,  which  shall  give  to  her  any  portion  of  that  territory,  will  be  a  dishono'    " 
purchase  of  peace.     Can  they  see  no  dishonor  in  adapting  the  legislation  of  their 
try,  on  questions  affecting  the  interests-  of  our  own  people  and  country,  to  the 
and  interests  of  England  1     Are  they  willing  to  purchase  peace,  in  a  controversy 
comparatively  valueless  territory,  by  sacrificing,  as  a  peace  offering,  that  wise 
of  policy  which  was  founded  by  the  fathers  of  this  republic— by  surrendering  thai 
icy  which  has  made  our  country  grow,  and  prosper,  and  flourish,  as  no  nation  ev^ 
fore  grew,  and  prospered,  and  flourished  ?  Lli   u 

But,  Mr.  Chairman,  the  clock  admonishes  me  that  the  hour  to  which  I  am  limitf^  ,  at  1 
a  rule  of  the  House  is  rapidly  passing  away,  and  that  1  must  hasten  to  some  othet%^"  '°^ 
siderations  which  I  desire  briefly  to  present  to  this  committee.  Is  the  title  ot'the  li3[ 
States  to  the  Avhole  of  the  Oregon  territory,  or  any  part  of  it,  a  perfect  title— a  "M^ 
and  unquestionable"  tide  ?  I  am  not  a  lawyer,  and  am  not  competent,  therefore,  ^^."*»  ? 
into  those  nice  distinctions  and  technicalities,  those  refinements  of  logic  and  argiii'l*^^"^ /' 
which  have  been  very  properly  introduced  in  this  debate  by  gendemen  learned  iw  ^"'^ 
law,  to  determine  the  doubtful  questions  of  fact  and  of  law  involved  in  that  tide.  UWritory 
only  law  with  which  I  am  familiar  (and  I  am  not  sure  that  I  am  even  master  of  th;^  ^ 
the  law  of  common  sense.  I  have  looked  into  the  facts  of  the  case,  I  have  listen'^  ^ 
the  arguments,  and,  as  far  as  1  have  been  able,  have  made  myself  acquainted  witlTp.  j.^^ 
principles  of  public  law  applicable  to  the  controversy;  and  it  appears  to  me,  that  *f  *-^  ?*<; 
ery  point  of  the  controversy  there  is  a  plausible  conflict  between  the  claims  of  En^^^  ^ 
and  the  United  States;  and  if  all  the  facts  which  either  nation  contends  for,  as  the  gr^^^}'  ^^ 
of  their  respective  claims,  be  admitted  as  true,  yet,  when  you  apply  the  admittedn? "  p 
ciples  of  public  law  to  the  claim  of  either  nation,  no  principle  of  that  law  can  be  flP  ^ 
•which  will  determine  either  nation  to  have  a  perfect  tide  to  the  whole  or  any  p^ 
Oregon;  and  it  is  my  deliberate  opinion,  formed  after  the  most  careful  examinatl 
the  subject,  that,  if  the  Emperor  of  China  had  the  power  now  to  make  a  setUema 


ht  of  > 
cific  t( 


The  tariff  pC  . 

i  Oregon  part  oW^  of  the  territory  of  Oregon  not  occupied  by  British  subjects  or  American  citi- 
that  frown  fronvT^nd  could  maintain  it  for  a  sufficient  length  of  time,  he  could  establish  a  better 
and  manufacti  ^^^  ^"7  "^^  possessed  by  England  or  the  United  States;  for,  as  I  have  said» 
-'resident,  the  rolt  ^^^  ^^^  Government  nor  the  other  has  performed  all  the  acts,  complied  with  all 
ditions,  which  by  the  law  of  nations,  is  required  to  give  either  nation  a  perfect 
the  whole  of  that  territory,  or  any  part  of  it.     I  know  that  this  opinion  is  in 
with  very  high  authority.     I  know  it  is  assumed  that  the  Secretary  of  State 
iuchanar-)  has,  in  his  late  correspondence  with  the  British  Minister,  (Mr.  Pack* 
)  demonstrated  conclusively  that  our  title  to  the  whole  territory  of  Oregon,  ta 
tude  of  54  deg.  40  min.  is  "  clear  and  unquestionable."     Mr.  Buchanan  is  an 
yer,  and  he  has  argued  the  claim  of  the  United  States  to  that  territory  as  a  feed 
argues  a  cause  for  his  client.     I  have  examined  it  as  a  juror.     Bring  the  Se- 
to  the  Bible,  and  require  him  to  swear  to  his  conclusions,  and  he  would  start 
horror-stricken  at  the  idea.     The  crime  of  perjury  would  present  itself  in 
deformity  before  him.     No,  sir;  no  man  knows  better  than  the  Secretary  of 
at  the  United  States  have  not  a  perfect  title  to  that  territory;   and  I  have  no 
hat  he  has  been  surprised  and  amused  to  find  that  his  argument  has  been  so  sue- 
in  convincing  intelligent  gentlemen  on  this  floor  of  the  truth  of  conclusions 
he  himself  did  not  believe,  nor  expect  any  other  man  of  sense  to  believe, 
n  what  grounds  do  we  claim  a  perfect  title  to  the  whole  of  that  territory?     By  a 
concluded  with  Spain  in  1819,  we  acquired  all  the  rights  of  that  kingdom  to  the 
y  on  the  northwest  coast  of  this  continent  north  of  the  42d  degree  of  north  lati- 
Had  Spain  a  perfect  title  to  that  territory,  when  she  ceded  her  rights  in  that  re- 
this  Government  ?     Her  navigators  were  undoubtedly  the  first  to  discover  and 
y  explore  the  northwest  coast  of  this  continent;  but  centuries  passed  away,  and 
ade  no  such  settlements  in  the  country  as,  by  the  law  of  nations,  would  have 
d  her  title  by  discovery.     In  1788,  Lieutenant  Meares,  a  British  otficer,  in  com- 
of  a  merchant  vessel,  landed  at  Nooka,  and  constructed  a  hut.     In  the  ensuing 
is  establishment  was  destroyed  by  Spain,  who  sent  armed  vessels  to  Nootka  for 
rpose.     England  resented  this  practical  assertion  of  exclusive  rights  of  sove- 
by  Spain,  contending  that  no  nation  possessed  the  exclusive  rights  claimed  by 
that  she,  in  common  with  other  nations,  had  a  right  to  nav'gate  the  northern  Pa- 
ean, land  upon  its  coasts,  trade  with  the  natives,  and  make  settlements.     Spain 
"  upon  her  pretension,  and  the  two  nations  were  preparing  for  war,  when  the 
ty  was  adjusted  by  a  treaty,  called  the  Nootka  convention.     I  have  carefuUy  ex- 
that  treaty,  and,  according  to  my  understanding  of  its  provisions,  Spain  con- 
ali  for  which  England  contended.     She  practically  renounced  her  pretensions  to 
ht  of  exclusive  dominion,  and  admitted  the  country  on  the  northwest  coast  of 
cific  to  be  free  and  open  to  all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  for  the  purposes  of  trade, 
ent,  occupation,  and  colonization.     If  I  am  right  in  this  conclusion,  the  Nootka 


country  thereb 
sted  when  thes 
ke  no  war  witl^^ 

an  equivalent] 
table  to  her  thai 
atisfactory  assu 
snt  policy  of  thii 
egon  ;  and  I  a 
jose  does  she  ii 
her  commercia 
would  gladly  rel 
Has  our  minisi^ 
tish  Governmerj 
)regon  controv 
at  Government' 
will  be  no  warl 
lent  shall  plac 
ssions  demand 
tiigh  position  ai 

iintry,  as  involvi 

he  whole  of  Or\ 

•ur  controversy 

I  be  a  dishono! 

lation  of  their 

(untry,  to  the 

a  controversy 

f,  that  wise  sy 

rendering  thai 

1  no  nation  ev^* 


ich  I  am  limiti 
I  to  some  other' 
e  title  ot'the  U 
Feet  title — a  " 
mt,  therefore, 


offic  and  areuirlP^^^'^  ^^  "^^  ^"^'^  ^  treaty  as  is  abrogated  by  the  occurrence  of  war  between  the 


men  learned 
in  that  title. 

n  master  of  thf 
I  have  listen^ 

icquainted  witi* 

s  to  me,  that  1^ 


which  are  parties  to  it;  and  I  conclude  that,  in  acquiring  the  right-^  '-*'  Spain  to 
ritory  now  in  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  Stateo,  our  Gov- 
t  did  not  acquire  a  perfect  tide.  The  claim  of  Spain  originally  extended  to  the 
rst  degree  of  North  latitude. 

Government  of  the  United  States  concluded  a  convention  with  Russia,  in  1824# 
ch  it  was  agreed,  "  that  hereafter  there  shall  not  be  formed  by  the  citizens  of 
claims  of  Eny*^'®^  States,  or  under  the  authority  of  the  said  States,  any  establishment  upon  the 
s  for  as  the  el'''^®^*  ^^^^  °^  America,  nor  in  any  of  the  islands  adjacent,  to  the  north  of  54  de- 
the  admitted li*"*^  ^^  minutes  of  north  latitude,  and  that  in  the  same  manner  there  shall  be  none 
It  law  can  be  W  ^^  ^"^si^n  subjects,  or  under  the  authority  of  Russia,  south  of  the  same  par- 
lole  or  any  pM  ^o^'  if  ^*"-  United  Stoles  derived  a  perfect  title  from  Spain,  why  did  we  cede» 
iful  examinatiB**  ^"  equivalent,  to  Russia,  the  territory  situate  between  the  latitude  of  54  deg, 
»ke  a  settleraiw'*  ^"^  ^^^  ^^^'  degree  o""  north  latitude  ?     And  if  the  United  States  believed  that 


Spain  possessed  a  perfect  title  to  the  whole  territory,  why  did  our  Government,  in- 
before  we  had  acquired  the  rights  of  iSpain  by  the  Florida  treaty,  make  a  formal  {listion 
sition  to  England  to  divide  with  her  the  Oregon  territory,  by  making  the  49th  m  Engl 
of  north  latitude  a  boundary,  without  even  making  allusion  to  the  rights  of  Sttt  of 
And  if  the  title  of  Spain  was  a  perfect  title,  how  can  our  Government  found  aclas  have, 
the  territory  drained  by  the  Columbia  river,  upon  the  discovery  of  the  mouth  o,:!©  the 
river  by  Capt.  Gray  ?  Upon  that  discovery,  made  in  1792,  and  the  establishmie.  E 
Astoria,  near  the  mouth  of  Columbia  river,  on  its  south  bank,  in  1811,  and  the  dii^ims  b 
Try  of  the  southern  head-waters  of  the  Columbia  river,  and  its  exploration  to  its  ned  as 
in  1805,  by  Lewis  and  Clarke,  despatched  for  that  purpose  by  their  Governmeiaiarived 
United  States  claim  exclusive  sovereignty  over  all  the  territory  drained  by  that  rivMlv  to  ' 
its  tributaries.  Whilst  I  admit  that  these  are  better  grounds  of  title  than  any  otli 
tion  possesses,  I  do  not  believe  they  constitute  a  perfect  title.  The  whole  norl 
coast  of  the  Pacific  had  been  discovered  and  carefully  explored  centuries  before  th 
covery  of  the  mouth  of  the  Columbia  by  Capt.  Gray,  by  the  navigators  of  Spaii 
England,  but  their  discoveries  were  not  followed  up  by  such  settlements  as  woul 
either  of  those  nations  rights  of  sovereignty  over  the  country.  The  mouth  of  thi 
lumbia  was  discovered  by  Heceta,  a  Spanish  navigator,  in  1775,  seventeen  years  r 
Ihe  discovery  of  Capt.  Gray.  Can  the  discovery  of  a  river  previously  discovered 
territorial  rights  to  the  nation  making  the  second  discovery  ? .  Such  a  position,  I 
hend,  cannot  be  maintained;  and,  therefore,  neither  the  discovery  of  the  mouth 
Columbia,  (long  before  discovered  by  Heceta,)  nor  the  explorations  of  the  coast  b 
tish  navigators,  (long  before  explored  by  the  Spaniards,)  can  give  to  either  Engl 
the  United  States  territorial  rights  in  Oregon.  The  trading  establishment  at  the  i 
of  the  Columbia  remained  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  Astor  until  the  war  of  1812,  a  of  the 
it  was  taken  by  a  British  force,  and  the  British  standard  was  erected.  By  the  trei^ple  giv 
Ghent,  Astoria  was  restored  to  the  United  States,  and  our  flag  was  oflicially  h|pude; 
over  it  in  1818.  It  is  therefore,  technically,  now  in  the  possession  of  the  leqple  is 
8tates,  though  it  has  not  in  fact  been  occupied  under  the  authority  of  the  Govern 
nor  by  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  since  its  lestoration;  yet  this  is  the  on! 
tlement  in  Oregon  upon  which  we  can  found  a  claim  of  title;  for,  by  the  treaty  bet 
England  and  the  United  States  of  1818,  now  in  force,  neither  nation  can  found  all, 
upon  any  settlements  made  since  that  treaty.  The  claims  of  both  nations,  theri^lved  i 
are  resting  now  precisely  upon  the  same  grounds  that  they  did  in  1818.  Is  this  sQfP,  will  i 
settlement  and  occupation  as,  by  the  law  of  nations,  will  give  a  perfect  title  ?  IfiCWtive  t 
not,  the  discoveries  and  exploration  of  Lewis  and  Clarke  lose  their  value,  because»ipss,  exi 
have  not  been  followed  up  by  a  sufficient  settlement  and  occupation  of  the  terr-»l"hus  ac 
The  value  of  Lewis,  and  Clarke's  discoveries  and  explorations  is  somewhat  neutrhc  mean 
by  the  discovery,  in  1811,  of  the  northern  head-waters  of  the  Columbia,  and  its  ei^o  incr 
ration  to  its  junction  with  the  southern  branch  of  that  river,  by  Thompson,  an  aijl^ion  ca 
the  Northwest  Company.  England  asserts  that,  in  1806  and  1811,  the  same  coni>l|it  less 
established  trading  posts  on  the  northern  branches  of  the  Columbia,  and  on  the^^^P  gen 
stream  of  that  river;  and  that,  in  1806,  Dr.  Frazer,  under  the  order  of  the  NortH^n  the 
Company,  crossed  the  Rocky  mountains,  discovered  the  head-waters  of  Frazer's 
and  established  a  trading  post  on  that  river,  which,  as  is  alleged  by  England,  had 
previously  discovered  and  partially  explored  in  1792  by  Mackenzie.  If  all  tl*^; 
true,  it  is  very  questionable  whether  these  temporary  establishments  of  roving  htii 
and  trappers,  for  purposes  merely  of  hunting  and  trading  with  the  natives,  cons*8f 
that  kind  of  settlement  and  occupation  which  public  law  determines  to  be  necessa:  i^^'O'^^ 
create  a  title  to  territory;  and  none  of  the  discoveries  inland,  alluded  to,  except  thc^^  "n<^ 
Lewis  and  Clarke,  seem  to  meet  the  requisitions  of  the  law  of  nations.  They'ww,  to 
made  by  individuals  pursuing  their  private  interests,  and  not  commissioned  byj 
Crovernnients  to  go  upon  expeditions  of  discovery. 

But,  sir,  I  will  not  further  pursue  this  very  dry  subject,  with  which  this  comr 
has  been  already  so  much  wearied.    I  desired  to  say  only  so  much  upon  this  branl 


stice. 
y  mac 
overnr 
tbut 


.  i.'?r 


lined  by  that  rivj 
:le  than  any  otli<( 
rhe  whole  noriii 
ituries  before  ihi 
igators  of  Spail 
ejnents  as  would 
'he  mouth  of  tM 


h  a  position,  I 

of  the  mouth 

s  of  the  coast  b 

to  either  Engl 

shment  at  the 

war  of  1812, 


Government,  inT 

make  a  formal  Astion  as  would  indicate  the  grounds  of  the  opinion  which  I  have  expressed,  thJt 
king  the  49th  df  England  nor  the  United  States  hcve  a  complete  and  perfect  title  to  the  whole  or 
the  rights  of  Std^t  of  the  Oregon  territory.  The  Governments  of  Great  Britain  and  the  United 
iment  found  aclaiiiiave,  however,  for  a  long  term  of  years,  set  up  a  vague,  indefinite,  indeterminate 
of  the  mouth  o^ffo  the  whole  of  the  territory,  and  no  other  nation  pretends  to  contest  with  th«nx 
the  establishni^.  Each  of  the  nations  have  at  different  times  proposed  to  adjust  their  conflict- 
811,  and  the  dii||ms  by  a  partition  of  the  territory.  They  have  failed  to  agree,  only  because  they 
loration  to  its  m$  as  to  what  constituted  a  fair  and  just  division  of  the  territory.  The  time  has 
iheir  Governmeia^ived  when,  it  the  two  nations  desire  to  maintain  peace,  they  must  proceed 
to  adjust  this  controversy.  It  cannot  be  much  longer  postponed  with  safety, 
iculty  is  in  finding  some  principle  upon  which  to  proceed,  which,  wbile  it  will 
ce  to  both  nations  in  'he  matter  of  territory,  will  also  take  care  of  the  honor  of 
tions.  What  is  that  principle  ?  The  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude  is  declared, 
nvention  between  th(;  United  States  and  Great  Britain,  signed  at  London,  Octo- 
1818,  to  be  "  the  line  of  demarcation  between  the  territories  of  the  United  States 
se  o^  his  Britannic  Majesty,  and  that  the  said  line  shall  form  the  northern  boun- 
H'enteen  years  rf  the  said  territories  of  the  United  States  and  the  southern  boundary  of  the  terri- 
usly  discoveredj^f  his  Britannic  Majesty,  from  the  Lake  of  the  Woods  to  the  Stony  Mountains." 
Chairman,  I  am  a  plain  farmer;  and,  having  been  reared  to  that  avocation,  I  am, 
st  farmers,  very  partial  to  straight  fences.  By  the  right  of  contiguity  the  United 
may  justly  claim  to  extend  tlieir  northern  boundary  due  west  from  the  point  of 
ination  east  of  the  Rocky  Mountains  to  the  Pacific  Ocean,  and  to  settle  and  oc- 
and  exercise  all  the  rights  of  sovereignty  over,  all  of  the  Oregon  territoty  lying 
f  the  49th  parallel  of  north  latitude ;  and.  in  my  humble  judgment,  the  same 
d.  By  the  tre^Ble  gives  England  an  equitable  claim  to  all  of  that  territory  north  of  that  para  llel 
vas  officially  h«ude ;  and  a  settlement  of  the  controversy  between  the  two  nations  upon  this 
ssion  of  the  IW^le  is  demanded  by  the  interests  of  the  two  nations,  and  by  principles  of  right 
of  the  GovernMstice.  Propositions  to  settle  the  controversy  upon  this  principle  have  been  re- 
this  is  the  onlffly  made  by  this  Government,  and  as  often  rejected  by  England.  But  now,  when 
Y  the  treaty  beiwovernment  sees  that  the  controversy  must  soon  be  closed,  peacefully  or  otherwise, 
3n  can  found  a  Woi  but  believe  that  her  regard  for  the  peace  of  the  world,  and  her  own  interests, 
Ived  in  the  maintenance  of  peace  with  this  nation,  if  not  her  sense  of  right  and 
will  induce  England  to  accede  to  such  a  compromise.  I  believe  that,  if  the 
tive  branch  of  our  Government  will,  with  a  prudent,  wise,  and  statesmanlike 
ss,  exert  itself  for  that  purpose,  a  treaty  may  speedily  be  concluded  with  Eng- 
hus  adjusting  our  controversy  with  that  Power  in  relation  to  the  Oregon  territory, 
mean  time,  Congress  ought  to  be  careful  to  take  no  action  on  the  subject  calcu* 
increase  the  difficulties  which  surround  it.  Is  not  the  measure  now  under  con- 
ion  calculated,  if  adopted,  to  increase  those  difficulties,  and  make  a  peaceful  set- 
t  less  easy  of  attainment?  I  have  already  endeavored  to  answer  the  arguments 
ia,  and  on  thel<*e  gentlemen  who  have  labored  in  this  debate  to  show,  that  to  give  notice  to  Eng- 
!r  of  the  NortHilin  the  form  proposed  by  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  (which,  in  relation  to 
■s  of  Frazer's  ;|iiestion,  may,  without  any  violation  of  courtesy,  be  regarded  as  the  organ  of  the 
England,  hadi^tive  Administration,)  is  not  necessary  as  a  means  of  facilitating  a  peaceful  settle- 
izie.  If  all  tlJiW^  ^^^  difficulty  by  negotiation,  nor  as  an  auxiliary  aid  to  our  negotiators.  It  re- 
5  of  roving  hii^ifor  me  to  show  that  its  tendency  is  precisely  the  reverse  of  this;  that  it  will  in- 
?  natives,  cons»*l  the  difficulties  of  a  peaceful  settlement  by  negotiation,  and  tend  to  involve  the 
to  be  necessa!  p^ations  in  war,  and  I  will  have  accomplished  the  task  which  I  have  felt  it  to  be  my 
to,  except  thd^to  undertake. 

lions.     They  ^pw,  to  determine  the  effect  of  the  measure  which  we  are  called  upon  to  adopt,  we 
missioned  byl^not  leave  out  of  view  the  fact  that  the  President  has  committed  this  Government 
position  that  the  whole  of  Oregon  is  ours,  and  advises  the  Legislative  branch  of 
overnment  to  take  the  same  position,  by  passing  this  notice  as  the  first  of  a  series 
sures  necessary  to  maintain  this  position.     If  Congress  shall  act  in  conformity 
he  advice  of  the  President,  by  passing  the  notice  in  the  form  reported  by  the  Com- 


1  nations,  ther 
818.  Is  this  si 
rfect  title  ?  Ifii 
value,  because 
ion  of  the  tern 
)mewhat  neutr 
mbia,  and  its  ei 
3mpson,  an  ag 
.  the  same  cora' 


ich  this  com 
ipoa  this  brani 


mittee  on  Foreign  Affairs,  this  Government  will  stand  pledged  to  the  whole  sen 
measures  that  will  be  necessary  to  maintain  the  position  thus  assumed.     WNs  t  '\\Mras 
the  consequences  resulting  from  this  ?     What  will  be  the  position  of  this  natpf  fror 
the  end  of  the  year?     I  maintain  it  to  be  a  palpable,  an  incontrovertible  truth,  thtj^rgottl 
nation  will  stand  in  a  position  from  which  it  cannot  recede  without  dishonor,  njttpowj 
Vance  without  war.     National  pride,  national  honor,  will  urge  us  forward  at  all  ha^hav^ 
and  I,  if  I  shall  then  have  a  voice  in  the  councils  of  the  nation,  will  say,  Go  forw;  Iftirelyl 
all  hazards,  and  maintain  the  honor  of  the  nation.     There  must  be  no  cowardly  rBlttglanj 
♦•  We  have  passed  the  Rubicon."     We  must  march  up  to  54°  40'  north  latitude 
must  conquer  from  England  the  whole  of  Oregon.     But  the  gentlemen  who  mi 
adoption  of  this  resolution  tell  us  that  all  this  is  to  be  accomplished  peacefully, 
can  it  be  pfeacefully  effected?     How  will  you  substitute  the  laws  of  the  United 
for  the  British  laws  which  are  now  in  force  in  that  territory,  without  hostile  colli 
What  will  you  do  with  the  British  magistrates  now  in  commission  in  ihat  terq 
How  will  you  displace  them?     Will  there  not  be  a  conflict  of  jurisdictions  that 
inevitably  eventuate  in  war?     What  will  you  do  with  the  numerous  forts  and  tri 
establishments  in  that  territory  over  which  the  British  flag  now  waves?     Will 
consistent  with  the  honor  of  this  nation,  after  taking  the  position  to  which  I  have 
red,  to  permit  the  British  flag  to  wave  in  that  territory?     Such  a  thing  cannot  bf-ory  is  t 
mitted  without  bringing  disgrace  and  infamy  upon  the  nation.     How  will  you  pea,j|rmy  t 
ly  displace  the  Cross  of  St.  George,  and  substitute  in  its  stead  the  star-spangled  ilBparat 
ner?     Will  it  comport  with  the  honor  of  England  to  peaceably  permit  this  to  be'pd  not 
—to  see  you  drive  her  subjects  out  of  the  territory,  or  compel  them  to  take  the  ol^tice  o 
allegiance  to  the  United  States  ?     All  this  must  be  done,  if  Congress  takes  the  fir/lgnglan 
recommended  by  the  President.     That  step  being  taken,  nothing  short  of  the  wlv  TThe  ge 
Oregon,  and  the  exercise  by  this  Government  of  all  the  rights  of  sovereignty  ovtf'B'wroHi 
whole  of  Oregon,  will  maintain  the  national  honor.     Is  it  wise  for  this  Govern»attemj 
after  having  three  times  offered  to  divide  the  territory  with  England,  thus  to  placel^l  fo''c 
under  the  necessity  of  going  to  war  to  maintain  an  unfounded  claim  to  the  whole  8|;  "^ast 
But  what  if  war  comes?     What  patriot  will  be  appalled  by  the  horrors  of  war?    Upiatenir 
a  willingness  to  plunge  the  nation  into  war  the  newest  and  truest  test  of  patrirt^jA^  i^s  c 
Who  will  lose  ihe  distinction  of  being  considered  a  patriot,  when  that  distinction  (*ipy  ^f^^ 
obtained  at  the  cheap  price  of  a  speech  and  a  vote  ?     At  the  risk  of  having  my  pii«j^ection 
ism  and  courage  called  in  question,  I  must  say,  that  I  deem  that  fear  neither  unif^l'i  be 
nor  ignoble  which  fears  to  bring  upon  this  nation  the  calamities  which  a  war  with 
land  must  bring. 

If  such  a  war  should  come,  what  will  be  its  character  and  what  its  consequence 
will  not  underrate  the  prowess  of  my  countrymen,  nor  the  martial  resources  o, 
country.     In  a  defensive  war,  against  unjust  aggression,  I  believe  this  nation  capal^ 
defending  itself  against  England,  or  any  other  nation.     Though  we  might  be  vanquj 
upon  many  fields,  we  could  never  be  conquered.     As  long  as  there  was  left  one  d 
dant  of  the  Whigs  of  the  Revolution  to  shout  defiance  against  the  minions  of  tyri 
and  offer  up  his  life  in  defence  of  that  inheritance  of  freedom  bequeathed  by  his  al 
tors,  resistance  could  never  end.     But,  when  we  are  talking  about  the  probabilitil 
war,  it  is  unwise  to  underrate  our  adversary.     Gentlemen  sneer  at  those  who  su 
as  an  argument  in  favor  of  peace,  the  calamitousi  consequences  of  a  war  with  Eng! 
and  intimate  that  such  is  not  the  proper  way  "  to  prepare  the  heart  of  the  natioi 
war."     The  heart  of  the  nation  is,  in  my  opinion,  always  prepared  for  a  war  tli 
necessary  to  protect  the  honor  or  defend  the  rights  of  the  nation.     But  when  w 
debating  measures,  the  effect  of  which  may  be  to  bring  us  into  a  war  which  is  n 
necessary  for  the  maintenance  of  our  rights  nor  honor,  I  do  not  conceive  it  to  b 
wise  or  unpatriotic  to  prepare  the  head  of  the  nation  as  well  as  its  heart,  by  poi 
the  public  mind  to  such  considerations  as  will  make  it  inquire  into  the  necessity  ol 
war,  and  the  sacrifices  which  it  will  impose,  and  into  all  the  consequences  whi 
will  produce.     We  ail  remember,  with  a  just  pride,  that  our  ancestors,  when  thii 


ed,  ai 

iquerei 

r  is  n 

and 

uer  J 

e  a  ti 

isputi 

y  wh 

dred 

erity 

e  thi 

umn 

entli 

ene 

meli 

xequi 

ploy< 

ir  sm 

sary 

en  01 

tlera 

t     li 


o  the  whole  ser 
limed.  WiSst  \\\ 
ition  of  this  nati 
^ertible  truth,  (hi 


u 


as  much  feebler  than  it  is  now,  waged  a  successful  war  with  England,  which  ex- 
from  that  nation  the  acknowledgment  of  our  independence ;  but  surely  we  have 
irgotten,  nor  ought  we  to  forget,  that,  in  that  war,  we  had  for  our  ally  France,  the 
lOut  dishonor,  nJ|povverful  and  warlike  of  all  the  nations  of  Europe, 
'orward  at  all  ha«have  had  another  war  with  England,  "hich  did  not  result  in  our  subjugation ; 
ill  say.  Go  forwArely  we  have  not  forgotten,  nor  ought  we  to  forget,  that,  at  that  time,  the  energies 
•e  no  cowardly  ril^gland  were  employed  in  a  war  with  Napoleon,  who  wielded  the  power  and  re- 
north  latitude.iHes  of  a  large  portion  of  Europe.  If  we  fight  England  now,  we  will  fight  her  at  a 
hen  she  can  direct  against  us  the  whole  of  her  military  and  naval  pcwer.  She 
eace  with  all  the  nations  of  the  earth ;  she  is  in  cordial  friendship  with  all  the 
rful  nations  of  Europe,  and  in  close  alliance  with  our  ancient  ally  France ;  and,  al- 
h  we  are  more  powerful  as  a  nation  than  we  were  at  those  periods  when  we  were 
5lision  with  her,  the  least  informed  amongst  us  knows  that  England  has  more  than 
pace  with  us  in  all  that  constitutes  preparation  for  war.  If  we  go  to  war,  we  will 
war  upon  an  issue  which  cannot  be  determined  until  one  or  the  other  nation  is  en- 
overcome,  conquered,  annihilated.  Every  man  of  sense  knows  that  one  of  the 
vents  of  the  war  would  be  the  occupation  of  Oregon  by  British  troops.  That  ter- 
is  too  remote  for  us  to  make  that  the  theatre  of  the  war.  We  could  not  march 
ow  will  you  pea&^my  thither,  for  it  is  two  thousand  miles  west  of  our  most  western  settlements,  and 
e  star-spangled  ^parated  from  them  by  dreary  deserts,  and  mountains  almost  inaccessible.  We 
rmit  this  to  bed|d  not  transport  an  army  thither  by  sea ;  for,  to  say  nothing  of  the  vast  and  tedious 
nee  of  a  voyage  by  sea,  our  transports  would  be  cut  off  by  the  superior  naval  force 
ngland. 

he  gentleman  from  South  Carolina,  (Mr.  Holmes,)  has  drawn  an  eloquent,  but  not 
wrought,  picture  of  the  character  and  consequences  of  a  war  with  England.  I  will 
ttempt  to  repeat  what  he  has  said  so  well.  Suflace  it  to  say,  that  by  her  superior 
id,  thus  to  placeftl  force  she  would  sweep  our  commerce  from  the  ocean.  She  would  hover,  with 
n  to  the  whole  II  vast  navies,  along  our  unfortified  seacoast  of  more  than  three  thousand  miles, 
rors  of  war?  Hatening  every  commercial  city  on  that  seaboard.  Our  Government  owes  protection 
1  its  citizens,  and  would  be  compelled  to  bring  into  action,  not  a  large  aimy,  but 
y  large  armies ;  for  every  city  threatened  with  attack  would  have  a  right  to  claim 
ection  and  defence.  Some  of  them  would  probably  be  successfully  defended ;  others 
Id  be  given  to  the  flames,  or  laid  under  contribution.  Thus  the  war  would  be 
ed,  and  thus  continued,  until  one  or  the  other  of  the  combatants  would  be  entirely 
uered,  or  until  both  of  them,  from  very  exhaustion,  wearied  of  the  conflict.  The 
r  is  more  probable  even;  for,  while  I  am  entirely  certain  that  England  cannot  con- 
and  subjugate  the  United  States,  I  am  equally  certain  that  the  United  States  cannot 
uer  and  subjugate  England.  After  a  long  and  wasting  war,  the  two  nations  would 
e  a  treaty  of  peace,  the  main  features  of  which  would  be,  a  partition  of  the  territory 
ispute,  precisely  what  ought  to  be  done  now  without  a  war.  As  an  offset  to  the 
y  which  we  would  achieve,  we  would  have  a  national  debt  of  little  less  than  ten 


itlemen  who  uri 
ed  peacefully, 
of  the  United 
out  hostile  colli 
ion  in  that  tern 
irisdictions  that 
3US  forts  and  tr; 
waves  ?     Will 
to  which  I  have 
thing  cannot  bi 


;m  to  take  the  ol 
iss  takes  the  firs! 
short  of  the  wh 
sovereignty  ov 
or  this  Governi 


t  test  of  patri 
hat  distinction 
if  having  my  p 
ear  neither  un 
lich  a  war  with 


ts  consequence 
ial  resources  o, 
his  nation  capal^ 
might  be  vanqiii 
was  left  one  d 
minions  of  tyr 


Bathed  by  his  aftdred  millions  of  dollars  to  weigh  down  the  energies  of  the  nation,  and  oppress  our 


the  probabilitii 
those  who  sugj 
war  with  Engi 
rt  of  the  natioi 
i  for  a  war  tli 
But  when  wi 


;erity  for  many  gener£..i..i3,  with  other  evils  almost  innumerable,  which  will  at  once 
e  the  minds  of  reflecting  men.  Instead  of  advancing  our  country  forward  to  the 
ummation  of  that  high  destiny  of  power  and  glory,  so  often  referred  to  with  patri- 
enthusiasm  in  this  debate,  we  would  inevitably  retrograde  from  our  present  position, 
energies  of  our  people  would  be  diverted  by  the  inexorable  necessities  of  war  from 
meliorating  and  hunranizingpursuits.  A  very  large  portion  of  our  population  would 
ir  which  is  ne#*'equired  to  engage  in  the  military  service  of  the  country,  and  the  residue,  not  thus 
iceive  it  to  be^ployed,  would  find  their  industry  rendered  valueless  for  the  want  of  markets,  and 
heart,  by  poiB|ir  small  hard  earning  wrested  from  them  by  direct  taxation,  to  raise  the  means  ne- 
fie  necessity  o»sary  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war.  Why  bring  upon  our  country  these  evils, 
lequences  whi^^ii  our  difficuhies  are  susceptible  of  a  peaceful  and  honorable  adjustment  ?  But,  say 
tors,  when  thiv^^^^'"^"'  ^^  ^^^^  ^^^^  Canada  and  Mexico.  Why  should  we  want  Canada  or  Mexi- 
?    If  England  were  to  propose  ceding  Canada  to  this  Government  to-morrow,  in  my 


16 


II 


ii'! 


Ill 

u 

i 


I 


humble  judgment  it  would  be  unwise  to  accept  tbe  cession.    If  Mexico  were  to 
be  annexed  to  this  Union,  it  would  be  unwise  to  grant  her  prayer.    For,  if  annexd 
all,  the  Mexican  States  and  the  Canadas  would  have  to  come  into  the  Union  up| 
footing  of  perfect  equality  with  the  States  which  now  compose  the  Union.    The 
British  subjects  of  Canada,  the  whole  population  of  Mexico — Indians,  negroes,  Span| 
Mexicans— all  would  be  adopted  as  citizens  of  this  Republic,  and,  as  such,  would 
participate,  according  to  their  numbers,  in  governing  this  Union,  making  its  laws,;! 
electing  its  Presidents.     Will  such  infusions  into  our  political  institutions  either  pi)  ^ 
tliem,  or  guaranty  their  perpetuity  ?     It  would  have  been  far  better  for  our  ance? ' 
.quietly  to  have  borne  the  Biitish  yoke ;  it  would  have  been  better  for  their  childrc 
have  been  born  British  subjects,  than  for  us  to  make  such  an  application  of  our  boa 
right  of  self-government  as  would  subject  us  to  the  government  of  British  subjects 
Mexican  barbarians,  of  whom  it  is  difficult  to  determine  which  of  the  three  races  is  i, 
degraded — the  negroes,  the  Indians,  or  the  Spanish  Mexicans.     No,  sir,  Oregon,  ii; 
the  49th  parallel  of  latitude,  and  the  province  of  Upper  California,  when  it  can  be  fa 
acquired,  is  the  utmost  limit  to  which  this  nation  ought  to  go  in  the  acquisition  of 
ritory.     I  have  already  endeavored  to  show  that  Oregon  must  be  ours  in  a  short  tii 
unless  that  end  be  defeated  by  our  own  folly ;  and  with  good  management,  Califoi 
may  presently  ba  fairly  acquired.  Within  the  broad  territory  which  will  then  be  our 
a  territory  destined,  within  the  lifetime  of  those  now  born,  to  contain  more  than 
hundred  millions  of  inhabitants — a  territory  stretching  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pac 
ocean,  and  from  the  latitude  of  49  degrees  north  almost  to  the  equator — surely  we  v 
have  "  scope  and  verge  enough"  within  which  to  illustrate  the  capacity  of  republii 
government  to  promote  the  happiness  and  elevate  and  improve,  the  character  of  in 
Upon  this  broad  theatre  "  let  us  act  well  our  part,"  and  we  will  achieve  a  nobler  desti 
for  ourselves  and  our  posterity ;  we  will  accomplish  more  by  our  example  for  the 
tions  of  the  earth,  than  we  can  possibly  achieve  and  accomplish  by  wars  of  aggressi 
for  the  conquest  of  territory,  or  for  political  propagandism.     Much  has  been  said  in  t 
debate  which  inspires  a  wish  to  enlarge  upon  this   theme ;  but  I  am  constrained 
be  brief.     I  fear  that  gentlemen  have  permitted  themselves  to  become  so  enamored; 
the  glories  of  war  as  to  forget  the  blessings  of  peace.    Whilst  I  believe  that  a  war  w; 
England  at  the  present  time  would  be  one  of  the  greatest  calamities  that  could  possib 
befal  this  nation,  I  believe  tliat  peace  is  yearly  bringing  to  it  every  thing  that  can  maJ 
it  great  and  powerful  as  a  nation,  and  its  people  prosperous  and  happy.     I  believe  tl 
peace,  which  is  so  rapidly  augmenting  its  population  and  wealth  and  power,  will  pi| 
sently  place  this  nation  in  a  position  of  strength  so  commanding,  that  no  nation  upl 
earth  will  be  so  rash  as  to  dispute  its  rights,  and  that  all  the  nations  of  the  earth  coil 
bined  will  not  be  able  to  outrage  those  rights  with  impunity.     Let  not  that  which [ 
fraught  with  so  many  blessings  be  lightly  and  unnecessarily  imperiled.     If  it  has  bel 
already  brought  into  jeopardy  by  the  rashness  of  the  Executive,  acting  under  party  o 
ligations  imposed  by  a  political  convention,  let  it  be  made  safe  by  the  wisdom  and 
triotism  of  Congress;  let  us  not  still  further  imperil  it  bypassing  the  resolution  reportf| 
by  the  Committee  on  Foreign  Affairs  without  modification.     I  believe  that  it  ought  n\ 
to  pass  in  any  form  at  the  present  time.     If  it  passes  this  House  without  modification 
Surely  it  will  be  modified  or  rejected  by  the  Senate.     To  doubt  these  conclusions  is[ 
doubt  the  virtue  and  intelligence  of  the  American  People,  as  that  virtu"  and  intelligeiii| 
are  represented  in  the  Congress  of  the  United  States. 


t. 


ixico  were  to  asj 
For,  if  annexe! 
>  the  Union  u] 
Union.    The 
i,  negroes,  Spar 
3  such,  would 
aking  its  law3,j 
ationa  either  pui 
•  for  our  ancesi 
or  their  childrei| 
tion  of  our  boal 
British  subjects] 
three  races  is  nl 
sir,  Oregon,  Uf| 
lien  it  can  be  faj 
!  acquisition  of  i 
rs  in  a  short 
^ement,  Califorl 
i^ill  then  be  our| 
ain  more  than  (| 
mtic  to  the  Pacl 
>r — surely  we  n 
city  of  republic 
character  of  mi 
'e  a  nobler  destii 
:ample  for  the : 
j^ars  of  aggressi 
s  been  said  in 
m  constrained 
ae  so  enamored) 
e  that  a  war  w 
liat  could  possil  | 
ing  that  can  ma 
y.     I  believe  ill 
power,  will  pi| 
it  no  nation  upil 
of  the  earth  coi^ 
not  that  which  I 
i.     If  it  has  bel 
g  under  party  o| 
I  wisdom  and 
isolation  reporif ; 
that  it  ought  n! 
lout  modificatioij 
conclusions  is  | 
"  ^nd  intelligent 


